| Crucifixion victims often had wounds, and those who had been wounded often showed their wounds to make a point (see comment on 20:20); that Jesus did so stems from pre-Johannine tradition (Luke 24:39–40, though 24is textually uncertain). Soldiers who carried out crucifixions often used rope 10755 but also used nails through the wrists, 10756 which seem to have been used for Jesus (20:25, 27). Dibelius, noting that Matthew and Mark omit the piercing of hands and/or feet, which appears only as hints in the Easter narratives of Luke (24:39) and John (20:20,25,27), thinks the hints of piercing stem from Ps 22rather than historical recollection. 10757 But Dibelius " s skepticism on this point is unwarranted for several reasons: all four extant first-century gospels omit it in descriptions of the crucifixion (as well as many other explicit details, such as the height of the cross, shape of the cross, and other variables we must reconstruct secondhand); Mark and Matthew include the briefest resurrection narratives, Mark without any appearances, so one would not expect them to recount it there; and finally, Luke and John probably supply independent attestation of a tradition that predates both of them, yet neither allude clearly to Ps 22:17 . 10758 Putting hands into Jesus» wounds would convince Thomas that this was the same Jesus (see comment on 20:20); no trickery would be possible. 10759 John omits another tradition in which Jesus confirms his bodily resurrection by eating with the disciples (Luke 24:41–43), preferring the stronger proof of his corporal resurrection. 10760 In the third-century Vita Apollonii by Philostratus, Apollonius invites two of his disciples to grasp him to confirm that he has not, in fact, been executed; 10761 but the Christian resurrection narratives were widespread in the Roman Empire by the time Philostratus dictated his stories. 10762 2C. The Climactic Christological Confession (20:28–29) Ancient writers often used characterization to communicate points about «kinds» of people. Nicodemus was slow to believe (3:2; cf. 7:50) but eventually proved a faithful disciple (19:38–42). Likewise, Thomas had missed the first corporate resurrection appearance, which convinced most of his fellow disciples; given the problem with secessionists in some Johannine communities (1 John 2:19), his missing might provide a warning to continue in fellowship with fellow believers (to whatever extent Thomas " s fellow disciples had already been disciples and believers when Jesus first appeared at that point!) Nevertheless, Thomas becomes the chief spokesman for full christological faith here (20:28–29)–and the foil by which John calls his readers to a faith deeper than the initial resurrection faith of any of the twelve disciples (20:29). |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| 391 Examples of the former are 1:32–33; 6:10–13; 19:38; examples of the latter, 13:26; 18:28; 19:17; see comments on each. 395 Wright, People of God, 410–11. John is distinctive but more like the Synoptics than like other documents (see Smith, John 21–22; Schnelle, Christology, 229). 396 Burridge, Gospels, 220. The second-century Christians who titled the Gospel (κατ ωννην) classified it with the Synoptics (Burridge, Gospeh, 222; cf. Stanton, Gospel Truth, 16–18,98). 397 See Tenney, «Parallels,» although his parallels between 1 Peter and John by themselves cannot carry the case. 399 Culpepper, Anatomy, 222–23. Davies, Rhetoric, 255–59, thinks Johns audience may have known the Synoptic accounts, but some material John presupposes is absent from the Synoptics. 400 Culpepper, Anatomy, 216–18. This would not, however, be significant for our present purposes if we posited an original Galilean audience for the Gospel (see on provenance, below). 402 E.g., Westcott, John, liii-lxiii; for the last discourses, cf. ibid., lxiii-lxvi; Morris, Studies, ch. 2, «History and Theology in the Fourth Gospel,» 65–138; Lea, «Reliability»; Blomberg, «Reliable»; Wenham, «Enigma»; idem, «View»; Moloney, «Jesus of History.» 403 Albright, «Discoveries,» 170–71. Scholars today generally recognize early and Palestinian traditions in John (Brown, Essays, 188–90). 407 Our sources suggesting that pre-70 tradition explains these «rivers» are themselves post-70, but the tradition would probably not be known to most members of John " s audience unless they had visited Jerusalem before 70. 408 Despite corrections on some points, Dunn, «John,» 299, thinks that «its main findings» will endure. 410 On Jesus» birth before 4 B.C.E., see, e.g., Keener, Matthew, 102; discipleship could continue for many years (e.g., Eunapius Lives 461). Streeter, Gospels, 419–24, suggests that John " s chronology, while perhaps imperfect, is all we have, since Mark does not offer one. 412 He argues against the gnostics that Christ was over fifty when he died, though baptized around the age of thirty (2, ch. 22); although this exceeds John " s chronology considerably, it is probably rooted in the Fourth Gospel (8:56–57, with Lk 3:23 ). |
| 4225 See Maynard, «Peter»; cf. Watty, «Anonymity.» Comparisons do not always demean their inferior object (see comment on 13:23) 4226 Although John alone of all NT writers includes this Aramaic (see Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 13) term, some older scholars, convinced that the Gospel addressed Gentiles, asked why John translates the term into Greek (though that was the language of most Diaspora Jews); Westcott even suggested that John kept the term to guard against gnosticism (John, 25). 4227 Even Andrews precedence over Peter may reflect the tradition of Asiatic Christianity reported in Papias (Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.39.4, as argued by Dodd, Tradition, 304–5). 4228 Wolmarans, «Peter,» argues that John uses standard literary conventions of this period to portray Peter " s character, adapting them for Peter " s special characteristics. Matthew and Luke depend largely on Mark " s portrayal (Feldmeier, «Peter»), which may even go back to Peter (Hengel, «Problems,» 238–43). 4229 Ferguson, Backgrounds, 83; Watson, «Education,» 311; Jeffers, World, 256; independent farmers worked about one hundred days annually (Jeffers, World, 20), but their work overlapped with the school year. Some students studied with teachers only for several months (Cicero Brutus 91.315–316), but some apparently studied many years (Eunapius Lives 461), perhaps with little break (cf., e.g., the tale of Akiba, " Abot R. Nat. 6A). 4230 Brown, Donfried, and Reumann, Peter, 88, observes that John 1confirms the pre-Matthean tradition here; for discussion of that passagés authenticity, see Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:609–15; Keener, Matthew, 423–30. 4231 See Ellis, Matthew, 128–29; Weeden, Mark, 43. One may also compare the thesis of Weber, «Petrus»; also idem, «Notes,» who suggests that Matthew " s interest in the OT wilderness community explains his preservation of the words as against Mark. 4232 Cf. Cullmann, «Πτρος, Κηφς,» 105, who rightly points out (at least from a Markan reading) that the Matthean beatitude interrupts an otherwise negative portrayal of Peter " s inadequate Christology. Certainly the whole narrative is exquisitely balanced in Matthew, however (see Meier, Vision, 118; idem, Matthew, 179). Feldmeier, «Excursus,» prefers the Markan portrait while not excluding all historical basis for other traditions. |
| 5134 Brown, John, 1:151, notes that Eusebius placed it eight miles south of Scythopolis (Beth Shean) and that the Madaba map places it just northeast of the Dead Sea; but he prefers Ainun (cf. Ridderbos, John, 144). 5135 E.g., Bruce, History, 159; Brown, John, 1:151; Kysar, John, 57; Hunter, John, 43, following Albright. Boismard, «Aenon,» identifies it with Ain Far " ah, in the heart of Samaria. John " s geographical notes (1:28; 3:23; 5:2; 9:7; 11:54) are generally accepted as reliable (Dunn, «John,» 299). 5138 Freed, «Samaritan Influence,» 580–81, lists Aenon and Salim (3:23), Sychar (4:5), and Ephraim (11:54) as probably Samaritan. 5140 See Josephus Ant. 18.113–114,124–125; Kraeling, Jonh, 85,90–91,143–45. For Nabatean relations with neighbors, see Matthiae, «Nabatäer.» John " s attraction to influential supporters of Antipas such as soldiers and tax gatherers (Luke 3:10–14) may also have suggested a political threat (Meier, «John,» 226–27). 5141 See Negev, «Nabateans.» For Nabatean technology in the building of Petra, see Hammond, «Settlement»; for their sculpture style, McKenzie, «Sculpture»; for their religion, see Lindner, «Heiligtum»; Jones, «Inscription.» 5142 Kraeling, John, 92–93, noting that he was safe in Judea or Samaria but on the eastern bank of the Jordan was in Antipas " s territory. 5147 Cf. how Agamemnon " s death at his return home provides suspense concerning what Odysseus could have faced on his return home had he not avoided it (Homer Od. 13.383–385). 5148 Dodd, Tradition, 280–81, may be correct that the record of this controversy is a historical reminiscence, but he errs in failing to see the Gospel " s theological reason for recording it. 5153 Cf. Stauffer, Jesus, 65. The lack of water in many places in Galilee could explain its absence in much of his itinerant ministry (cf. Kraeling, John, 174), though not around the lake of Galilee. 5154 «Coming» was salvific (6:35); those who plotted Jesus» execution to prevent «all» from coming (11:48–50) would actually bring about what they hoped to avoid (12:32). |
| 6628 Brown, John, 1:334, provides examples in Arabic literature. 6629 Jeremias, Parables, 228; Schnackenburg, John, 2:166; one possibility in Whitacre, John, 207–8. But it may be the «turning away» rather than the «writing» that is explicitly «on the earth.» 6630 Various scholars plausibly suggest a general allusion to God writing the law (Nugent, «Write»; Schöndorf, «Schreibt»); Whitacre, John, 207–8, notes that καταγρφω can apply to writing out an accusation (Zenon Papyrus 59), hence Jesus might cite commands they had broken. 6631 Keener, Background Commentary, 284–85. 6632 Cf. Hermogenes Issues 69.12–13; Libanius Declamation 36.47; perhaps Rhet. Alex. 4, 1427a.37–40. 6633 Jeremias, Parables, 228 n. 1; Hunter, John, 200; Sanders, John, 465; Morris, John, 888, all following T. W. Manson. Yet to Westcott, John, 126, the «very strangeness of the action marks the authenticity of the detai1.» 6634 Seven times in Musonius Rufus ναμρτητος means «free from error» (Van der Horst, «Musonius,» 309, on the NT hapax legomenon in John 8:7 ), but αμαρτα appears 13 times elsewhere in the Gospel (4 times in ch. 8) and about 150 times in the NT, usually in the sense «sin.» 6635 James, «Adulteress.» 6636 E.g., b. Sanh. 37b, bar. In such cases they presumably believed God himself would carry out the correct sentence (e.g., Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 9:6 ), a matter possibly of some relevance for the discussion in 8:18–19. 6637 Abrahams, Studies, 1:74, compares R. Akiba on the ordeal: the bitter waters will prove effective only if the accusing husband is guiltless himself. 6638 Cf., more homiletically, Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 33.5.4 (trans., p. 56): «There were left [but] two, the pitiable woman and Pity.» 6639 Schnackenburg, John, 2:188, divides the discourse into w. 12–20, 21–29, 30–36, 37–47, and 48–59. John " s transitions are often too smooth to allow us certainty on where to place breaks in our modern outlines. 6640 Bultmann " s proposed gnostic background for the image (John, 342 n. 5) lacks adequate supporting data (ÓDay, «John,» 632 n. 206); the phrase appears, e.g., in 4Q451 frg. 24, line 7 (where it may be eschatological; cf. frg. 9, co1. 1, lines 3–4). |
| Following the death of Archbishop Theodosius of Australia and New Zealand, the Synod of Bishops appointed Bishop Paul, Vicar of the German Diocese, to replace him. Archimandrite Mark was then elevated to the episcopacy and appointed Bishop of Munich and Southern Germany. The hierarchal consecration was performed on November 30, 1980 at the Synodal Cathedral of Our Lady of the Sign in New York. In accordance with ecclesiastical law, during the nomination, Archimandrite Mark read a sermon through which he threaded his concern for how he was to lead his flock. Warm words were spoken about his spiritual proximity to the great Serbian ascetic and theologian Archimandrite Justin (Popovic, +1979) and affinity for the Holy Mt Athos. His Eminence Metropolitan Philaret (Voznesensky, +1985) officiated at the consecration, along with Archbishop Vitaly (Oustinov, +2006) of Montreal and Canada; Archbishop Anthony (Medvedev, +2000) of San Francisco and Western America; Bishop Laurus (Shkurla, +2008) of Syracuse and Holy Trinity Monastery; Bishop Paul and Bishop Gregore (Grabbe, +1995) of Manhattan. After the consecration, Vladyka Mark moved with a small group of monks to the Monastery of St Job of Pochaev in Munich. The monastery underwent reconstruction and renovation. Since 1981, it has published the Vestnik Germanskoj Eparkhii [Messenger of the German Diocese], a publishing house was set up for Russian- and German-language materials, as well as a candle and incense factory. The monastery follows the Mt Athos rule. In the fall of 1982, Bishop Mark, due to the serious illness of Archbishop Thilophius (Narko), became Bishop of Berlin and Germany, continuing to live at St Job Monastery, whence he rules the Diocese. In the mid-1980’s, Vladyka Mark was appointed Administrator of the Diocese of Great Britain as well as St Alexander Nevsky Parish in Copenhagen. In 1991, the Synod of Bishops elevated Vladyka Mark to the rank of Archbishop. In 1997, he was appointed Overseer of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem. |
| 590 О Евангелии от Марка как кластере небольших повествований, включенных в общую структуру сверхповествования, обладающего собственным сюжетом, см.: С. Breytenbach, The Gospel of Mark as an Episodic Nanativë Reflections on the «Composition» of the Second Gospel=Scriptura, special issue 4 (1989) 1–26. 591 Здесь я расхожусь во мнениях с В. Orchard, «Mark and the Fusion of Traditions,» in F.van Segbroeck, C. M.Tuckett, G.van Belle, and J.Verheyden, eds., The Four Gospels 1992: Festschrift Frans Neirynck, vol. 2 (Leuven: Leuven University Press/Peeters, 1992) 779–800, который полагает, что это Евангелие – транскрипция публичных проповедей Петра, дословно записанных скорописью. 592 «Жизнь философа Секунда» (вторая половина II века н.э.); см. B.E.Perry, Secundus the Silent Philosopher (Philological Monographs 22; New York: American Philological Association, 1964) 595 Burridge, What, 227: «Четвертое Евангелие в литературном отношении намного более целостно, чем синоптические Евангелия, несмотря на один случайный разрыв или шов в повествовании». 596 J.Dewey, «Oral Methods of Structuring Narrative in Mark,» Int 53 (1989) 32–44; она же, «Mark as Interwoven Tapestry: Forecasts and Echoes for a Listening Audience,» CBQ.53 (1991) 221–236; она же, «The Gospel of Mark as Oral/Aural Event: Implications for Interpretation,» in E. Struthers Malbon and E.V.McKnight, eds., The New Literary Criticism and the New Testament (JSNTSup 109; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1994) 145–163; она же, «The Survival of Mark " " s Gospel: A Good Story?» JBL 123 (2004) 495–507. См. также Bryan, A Preface, Part II. Witherington, Mark, 15–16, который, соглашаясь, что риторика Марка носит устный характер, отрицает, что Евангелие от Марка было предназначено для устного исполнения, прежде всего на основе стиха 13:14, который он относит к частному читателю Евангелия. Однако неясно, относятся ли эти слова к читателю Евангелия или к читателю Книги пророка Даниила. Dewey, «Oral Methods,» 35–36, придерживается последнего мнения. |
| If there are theological associations one would read them along the following lines: Jesus was later welcomed at a Bethany (11:1) known from the tradition ( Mark 11:1, 11–12; 14:3 ), though it was quite near Jerusalem ( John 11:18; 12:1 ; cf. Mark 11:1 ; Luke 24:50). Yet because the Gospel portrays Perea «beyond the Jordan» as Jesus» place of refuge, where he had shared ministry with John the Baptist (1:28; 3:26; 10:40), one might argue that he symbolically moves Bethany across the Jordan despite his literal acknowledgment that it was «near Jerusalem» (11:18). 4001 This argument, however, appears strained. Although it would be compatible with John s use of symbolism, it is probable that the references to «beyond the Jordan,» which would make little sense to John " s audience (except for the transplanted Palestinian minority), reflect the Baptist " s actual historical ministry there, as noted above. It was also customary when mentioning» more than one site of the same name to distinguish them, so John " s Bethany «across the Jordan» would be naturally read as a Bethany distinct from the Bethany near Jerusalem of the gospel passion tradition. The Spirits Witness about Jesus (1:29–34) In the preceding section, John the Baptist defers all honor to Jesus. This section explains more of Jesus» identity. 4002 A prophet, like a teacher, could have «disciples» ( 1Sam 19:20; 2 Kgs 2:3; Isa 8:16). 4003 In 1:19–28, John negatively testifies that he himself is not the eschatological king, Elijah, or the Mosaic prophet, but that one whose slave he was not worthy to be was already among them. In 1:29–34, he positively testifies that Jesus is the lamb (as in 1:36), and he recognized his identity as Son of God (1:34, probable reading) and Spirit-bringer (1:33) because the Spirit was on Jesus (1:32–33). The «next day» provides a transition to a new christological confession to John " s disciples. Although some ancient writers preferred disjunctive episodes, many connected events of various occasions into a chronological sequence that made them easier to follow (cf. Mark 1:21,29 ). 4004 Some have found symbolic significance in the number of days in the introductory narratives (see comment on 2:1), but John could intend them literally (cf. 12:12), providing a sample of meaningful days at the beginning of Jesus» ministry. While it would be an exaggeration to say with Origen that John «leaves no room for the temptation story» and that one cannot harmonize John with the Synoptics here, 4005 John is not interested in the temptation story here; nor was chronological sequence a necessary feature of ancient biography. 4006 In view of the Gospel " s penchant for double entendres, that the Baptist saw Jesus «coming» (ερχμενον) to him (1:29) may suggest a narrative confirmation of the one «coming» (ερχμενος) after John (1:27). 1. The Sin-Bearing Lamb (1:29, 36) |
| Pagans could also distinguish temporary resuscitations followed by death from perpetual life (Philostratus Hrk. 2.9–11, third century C.E.). 7624 This is not to suggest that women " s religious activities were not prominent in many circles (see, e.g., Abrahamsen, «Reliefs»; idem, «Women»; Kraemer, «Ecstatics»; idem, «Ecstasy»; idem, Maenads; Brooten, Leaders) but that in public discourse most ancient circles featured it less dominantly than men " s in comparison to Luke and John, as a firsthand survey of the ancient sources will revea1. Fehribach, Bridegroom, 83–113, finds community types in Jesus» relationships with the various women in this Gospel, including here; yet this argument seems less plausible here than at some other points. 7626 Gravesites were to be outside residential areas (cf. Heb 13:11–12; 4 Bar. 7:13; Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 146). For regularly visiting gravesites to mourn, see, e.g., Apol1. Κ. Tyre 30–31. 7629 It is especially significant when a wifés name appears before a husband " s (MacMullen, «Women,» 209–10; Flory, «Women»). 7632 Michaels, John, 191; often used, e.g., for «the snorting of horses» (Morris, «Jesus,» 48). Cf. μβρμημα in Lam 2LXX. 7633 The term κλαω (11:31,33) may bear less than wholly negative connotations for a repeated reader, since joy follows such weeping in every other appearance of it in this Gospel (16:20; 20:11–16). 7635 E.g., Carson, John, 415; ÓDay, «John,» 690–91. Story, «Attitude,» suggests that Jesus «rebuked» himself; but see Lindars, «Rebuking.» 7636 Evans, John, 121–22; Bruce, John, 246; Sloyan, John, 143; Whitacre, John, 289. It was understood that onés pain could become anger and lead to lashing out (Plutarch Cor. 21.1–2). Carson, John, 416, suggests Jesus is angry at perhaps sin and death as well as their unbelief. 7637 Marsh, John, 433; Borchert, John, 359–60. Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 200, suggest «indignation» at Mary " s public challenge in 11:32, questioning whether he has acted like «a true friend.» This would make sense, but can 11really be a challenge? I think it more likely intended praise that proves inadequate, since Jesus calls for higher faith. |
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