3004 Dahood, «Ebla,» on «Temple of the Word» (provided this points to an actual temple devoted to the worship of the personified Word; much Ebla material is still debatable). 3005 Words sometimes carried magical efficacy in ancient Near Eastern thought (e.g., Moriarty, «Word»), as in some other non-Western cultures (cf. Prince, «Psychiatry,» 99). 3006 Albright, «Logos,» 143–51, esp. 150. This is not to say that preexilic Mesopotamian ideas could not be transmitted over time (a giant is apparently called «Gilgamesh» in 4Q531 frg. 1, line 12; 4Q530 2.1; cf. also Reeves, «Utnapishtim»), but that the burden of proof remains on one asserting direct connections to demonstrate the media of transmission. 3013 Ibid., 172–93. The Persian prototypes that some have suggested (hypostatic Amesha Spentas in the Gathas, mentioned by Vos, «Range,» 387, as known by the first century) may be of more dubious relevance. 3018 Cf. Wolfson, Philo, 1:255, for Greek mythology " s personification of wisdom; many recognize Greek influence on Jewish thought (Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 5; Sanders, John, 69). Non-Jewish personifications of wisdom include Plutarch Fort. Rom. 1, Mor. 316D (probable; it is compared with Fate; Law, νμος, is personified in Pindar frg. 169a in P.Oxy. 2450); likewise, Latin personifications (as a rhetorical device, e.g., Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.53.66; Cicero Nat. d. 2.23.60–62), also include Wisdom (e.g., Cicero Resp. 3.8.12; Acad. 2.9.27; Fin. 4.13.34; similarly, Philosophia in Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.10; Virtue in Ep. Luci1. 66.27, though Ep. Luci1. 113 mocks a more literalistic personification of the Virtues). 3020 Burney, Origin, 38; J. A. Robinson, Historical Character, 104–5; Hayward, «Name»; Brown-lee, «Whence,» 179; Barclay, «Themes,» 79–80; cf. Westcott, John, xvi. Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen. 1does associate the Memra with Wisdom. 3022 Box, «Intermediation» (answering Moore); Stuart, «Examination,» 20–22 (occasionally); cf. Middleton, «Logos,» 129. Middleton, «Logos,» argues that Shekinah (pp. 113–23) and Yekara (128) are also used as circumlocutions.

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1313 Smith, Johannine Christianity, 25, whose notes provide a survey of scholars in the earlier camps. Sloyan, «Adoption,» thinks the corrective of 1 John helped preserved the Gospel for the church. 1314 Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 49; Tenney, John, 51; cf. Becker, Evangelium, 1:147–58. Contrast provides a useful literary and rhetorical tool (see, e.g., Anderson, Glossary, 110–11; and comment on John 13:23 ). 1315 «Descending» (1:32–33, 51; 3:13; 6:38, 41–42, 50–51; etc.); «ascending» (1:51; 3:13; 6:62); «above» (=God, as in some other early Jewish texts) (1:51; 3:3, 7, 12–13, 27, 31; 6:31, 38, 41–42, 50–51,58; 8:23; 19:11); in later Jewish Christianity, see Daniélou, Theology, 248–63. Cf. J. N. Sanders, John, 223; Ladd, Theology, 291. 1318 E.g., Philo Flight 71; Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10; Gamble, «Philosophy,» 56–58, understands John in terms of Platonic dualism; see Finegan, World Religions, 90–92; Gordon, Civilizations, 190. Contrast Pétrement, Dualisme, 216–19, on Philo; see comment on John 3:13 . 1319 See Duhaime, «Dualisme»; Brown, Essays, 141–47. Berger, «Bedeutung,» finds gnostic tendencies in what appears to be an early Jewish wisdom text. 1321 See Boismard, «Epistle,» 156–57; Arrington, Theology, 69; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 409; idem, «Qumran and Odes»; Fritsch, Community, 117–18; Albright, «Discoveries» 168; Bruce, «Jesus,» 79; Painter, John, 6; Black, Scrolls, 171; Kysar, Evangelist, 131–37. Johns dualism is not metaphysical (against Käsemann, Testament, 72), but moral (Boismard, «Epistle»), a demand for decision (Manson, Paul and John, 89). 1322 Spatial dualism occurs in b. Ber. 17a; Gen. Rab. 12:8, 27:4, 38:6; Pesiq. Rab. 25:2; Moses is also portrayed as an ascending/descending redeemer (e.g., Lev. Rab. 1:15), and the ascent/descent language is used of God himself (e.g., Gen. Rab. 38:9); see also Bowman, Gospel, 45–55. For the heaven/earth spatial dualism in Wisdom literature, see Gammie, «Dualism.» 1323 Cf. also the frequent «earth-dwellers» (Rev 3:10; 6:10; 8:13; 11:10; 12:12; 13:8, 12, 14; 17:2, 8). The Gospel tradition already borrows the familiar Jewish image of God " s presence in heaven (e.g., Matt 6:9; Mark 6:41; 7:34; 11:25; 15:38 ).

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2586 See Hayman, «Monotheism,» though he probably overstates the case for the pervasiveness of dualistic monotheism. Cf. Fauth, «Metatron»; Abrams, «Boundaries»; Alexander, «3 Enoch,» 235. 2587 With Bauckham, God Crucified, 2–4,27–28, who believes Jesus in early Christian texts functions like Wisdom, being within the unique divine identity (26–42). 2588 Pritz, Jewish Christianity, 110; Flusser, Judaism, 620, 624. Barrett, John and Judaism, 48–49, thinks rabbinic teaching on God " s unity reflects some polemic against Christianity. 2590 For detailed argument, see most fully Bauckham, God Crucified, 2–15,26–42; cf. Dunn, Theology of Paul, 35; Wright, Paul, 63–72. 2591 Moore, Judaism, 1:437. Even later Judaism, however, regarded Gentile (as opposed to Jewish) adherence to Trinitarian views as Shittuf (partnership) rather than idolatry (cf. Falk, Jesus, 33–35; Borowitz, Christologies, 32; Berger and Wyschogrod, Jews, 33; Schoeps, Argument, 16–17). 2593 See comment on 1:1–18; further, e.g., Dunn, «John,» 314–16, who finds it pervasive throughout the Gospe1. 2594 Paul modifies Hellenistic (see Nock, Christianity, 34; Koester, Introduction, 1:162; Conzelmann, Corinthians, 145)–both Stoic (Moffatt, Corinthians, 106; Hamerton-Kelly, Pre-existence, 130; Meeks, Christians, 91) and Platonic (cf. Grant, Gods, 48; Horsley, «Formula»)–and Hellenistic Jewish (Lohse, Colossians, 50; cf. Sib. Or. 3.277–278; Grant, Gods, 84–85) language here; his wording probably represents esp. an adaptation of the Shema (Goppelt, Theology, 2:83; Hering, 1Corinthians, 69; Bruce, Corinthians, 80), pervasive use of which is attested early, e.g., the Nash Papyrus (second century B.C.E.); m. Ber. 2:5. 2595 Some have seen elements of an Adam Christology (e.g., Martin, Carmen Christi, 116–18; idem, " Morphë»; Hunter, Predecessors, 43; Johnston, Ephesians, 41; Beare, Philippians, 80; Ridderbos, Paul, 74; Furness, «Hymn»); others have denied it (Glasson, «Notes,» 137–39; Wanamaker, «Philippians»; Bornkamm, Experience, 114) or held that Paul revised an earlier Adam Christology (Barrett, Adam, 71). Regardless of possible allusions to Adam as God " s image (e.g., Philo Creation 69; 4 Ezra 8:44; 9:13; L.A.E. 37:3; 39:3; Apoc. Mos. 10:3; 12:2; 33:5; m. Sanh. 4:5; h. Sanh. 38a, bar.; Gen. Rab. 8:10; Ecc1. Rab. 6:10, §1), Wisdom was God " s image in the ultimate sense (Wis 7:26; Philo Planting 18; Confusion 97; 147; Heir 230; Flight 101; Dreams 1.239; 2.45; Spec. Laws 1.81), which this text distinguishes from the human sense ( Phil 2:7–8 ), especially in presenting Jesus» divinity (cf. Phil 2:10–11 with Isa 45:23). Paul here assumes Christ " s préexistence (Hamerton-Kelly, Pre-existence, 156–68; against Talbert, «Problem»); on other christological hymns stressing Christ " s préexistence, see Martin, Carmen Christi, 19.

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3512 Sotades of Maronea (third century B.C.E.) in Stobaeus Anthology 4.34.8 (Boring et al, Commentary, 244); see also on rejected wisdom below. 3514 Especially in apocalyptic circles, e.g., J En. 42:1–3 (Sim.); cf. similar images of the world " s depravity in pagan literature (Ovid Metam. 1.149–150; Fasti 1.247–250; Cicero Quinct. 1.5; perhaps Cicero Mi1. 37.101). Commentators note this theme in Wisdom literature (e.g., Schnackenburg, John, 1:228). 3515         Mek. Bah. 5 (in Urbach, Sages, 1:532); Sipre Deut. 343.4.1; b. c Abod. Zar. 2b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:1; 12:10; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:15; Exod. Rab. 17:2; 30:9; Num. Rab. 14:10; Pesiq. Rab. 15:2; 21:2/3; 30:4; cf. Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7; 12:20; also Hengel, Judaism, 1:174–75; Harvey, «Torah,» 1239; Urbach, Sages, 1:327. One may also compare the tradition of the daily bat qol from Mount Horeb condemning the Gentiles for their neglect of Torah (b. " Abot 6:2, bar.; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 15:5; Lam. Rab. proem 2), and a different tradition in which the nations copy (plagiarize?) elements of Torah (p. Sotah 7:5, §1). While comments about Torah are most common in rabbinic literature, the similar idea of the testimonium in L.A.B. 11by which God would judge the world probably indicates that this tradition was not limited to rabbinic circles. 3518 E.g., Mek. Bah. 6.90ff; Sipre Deut. 343.4.1; b. c Abod. Zar. 2b, 64b, bar.; Sanh. 56ab, bar., 59a, bar. (including Tannaitic attribution), 74b; Yebam. 48b; Gen. Rab. 26(including Tannaitic attribution); 34:14; Exod. Rab. 30:9; Deut. Rab. 1:21; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 12:1; cf. Num. Rab. 1:8; Urbach, «Self-Affirmation,» 275–78; Moore, Judaism, 274–75. Proselytes and a few pious Gentile prophets also show that the Gentiles are without excuse (e.g., Lev. Rab. 2:9). 3519 «His own» (neuter) may refer to the land, and «his own» (masculine) to the people; see Brown, John, 1:10; cf. Westcott, John, 8. Although Galilee is Jesus» native land, his «own» land that rejects him is Judea (cf. 4:45; Meeks, Prophet-King, 40); in 10:3–4, 12, Jesus» «own» is redefined as his true flock. M. Smith, Parallels, 153, finds in «his own» an allusion to Jesus» deity because Israel is regularly God " s possession in the Hebrew Bible and Tannaitic literature.

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AP, anonymous series 295: ed. Nau, ROC14 (1909), 378; tr. Ward, Wisdom, §162,(47). Miraculously the child was preserved unharmed. For a parallel story, see AP, alphabetical collection, Sisoes 10 (394C-396A); tr. Ward, Sayings, 214; and compare Abraham and Isaac (Gen 22). Quoted in Yves Harnant, Alexander Men: A Witness for Contemporary Russia (Torrance, CA: Oakwood Publications, 1995), 124. AP, anonymous collection 340: ed. Nau, ROC 17 (1912), 295; tr. Ward, Wisdom, §209 (56-57). Father Andrй Scrima, “La tradition du риге spirituel dans l’Йglise d’Orienm,”Hermus, 1967, No. 4, 83. Quoted by Thomas Merton, Spiritual Direction and Meditation (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1960), 12. “The Monastic Rule,” in G. P. Fedotov, A Treasury of Russian Spirituality (London: Sheed & Ward, 1950), 95-96. Except that in the Rule, §46, it is said that monks may confess their sins in confidence, not necessarily to the abbot, but to one of the senior monks possessing spiritual gifts (tantum abbati, aut spiritalibus senioribus). Bishop Sawa of Edmonton, Blessed John: The Chronicle of the Veneration of Archbishop John Maximovich (Platina, CA: Saint Heman of Alaska Brotherhood, 1979),104; Father Seraphim Rose and Abbot Herman, Blessed John the Wonderworker. A Preliminary Account of the Life and Miracles of Archbishop John Maximovitch, 3rd edn. (Plating, CA: Saint Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 1987), 163. I heard the story from Father Jacob himself.   Code for blog Since you are here… …we do have a small request. More and more people visit Orthodoxy and the World website. However, resources for editorial are scarce. In comparison to some mass media, we do not make paid subscription. It is our deepest belief that preaching Christ for money is wrong. Having said that, Pravmir provides daily articles from an autonomous news service, weekly wall newspaper for churches, lectorium, photos, videos, hosting and servers. Editors and translators work together towards one goal: to make our four websites possible - Pravmir.ru, Neinvalid.ru, Matrony.ru and Pravmir.com. Therefore our request for help is understandable.

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10701 Stibbe, «Return,» employing actantial analysis. 10702 Cf. Kallarangatt, «Mission.» 10703 Some taught that God commissioned Torah teachers to offer Torah freely as he did (b. Bek. 29a; Derek Eres 2.4; Dalman, Jesus-feshua, 226; Lachs, Commentary, 180; cf. m. " Abot 1:3; Sipre Deut. 48.2.7; p. Ned. 4:4); in secular contexts, see, e.g., Xenophon Cyr. 8.3.3 (royal gifts). 10704 Cf. Westcott, John, 294. On the usual punctiliar force of aorist imperatives, see Blass, Debrunner, and Funk, Grammar, 172–73, §§335–337. 10705 See Hawthorne, Presence, 236. 10706 See Keener, Spirit, 8–13. 10707 Haenchen, John, 2:211; Sanders, John, 433; Dunn, «Spirit,» 703; Ellis, Genius, 293; Wojciechowski, «Don» (though reading too much from the Targumim, which is then used to connect John 20 with Pentecost); ÓDay, «John,» 846; du Rand, «Ellips.» 10708 Cook, «Exegesis,» 8; Meier, « John 20:19–23 .» On the Spirit and creation, some suggest also Wis 1:7; 12:1. Stauffer, «εμφυσω,» 536–37, notes the association of the Spirit and creation in Ps 104 10709 Turner, Spirit, 90–92, who also notes (p. 92) that Wis 15and Philo on Gen 2show God breathing his own Spirit at the creative event of Gen 2:7 , suggesting new creation here (3:3, 5). 10710 Also Philo Creation 139. The Spirit of God creates or builds creatures in Jdt 16:14; cf. God " s gift of truth by God " s breath (Odes So1. 18:15), etc. Witherington, Wisdom, 343, helpfully compares Jesus with Wisdom here (Wis 7:22–23). 10711 Derrett, «Blow,» suggests an allusion to the Asian custom of catching the dying person " s last breath (attested at times in India and farther east). One might add Roman examples (see Quintilian pref.12; Virgil Aen. 4.684–685; Ovid Metam. 7.861; comment on 19:30), but Jesus is clearly not dying here and the biblical allusion would be far more obvious, especially in view of the rest of the Gospel (cf. 3:8). 10712 Perhaps the writer wanted to avoid the impression that Joseph could have kissed her for less sacred reasons at this point? The breath of life in magical papyri (PGM 12.237, in Grant, Religions, 46) may be influenced by Jewish sources or common ancient Near Eastern roots; cf. Orphic Hymns 30.8. Greek deities could breathe strength into wounded heroes (Homer I1. 15.60–μπνεσησι; 19.159–πνεση).

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11:29, 30).  And again, “then after the morsel [of Communion], Satan entered into him [Judas]” (John 13:27).  Thus, the commandment to fast from the fruit of the Tree of the knowledge of good and evil may not have been an eternal one.  Perhaps, Adam and Eve had to first accomplish some inner work.  Perhaps, they had to first gain wisdom, whose beginning is the fear of the Lord (Prov. 9:10), before partaking of the knowledge of good and evil.  But having unworthily partaken of it, Adam and Eve inherited weakness, illness, and death (cf. 1 Cor. 11:30).    In Eve’s adding an extra clause to God’s commandment about the Tree, in her “seeing” extra qualities of the fruit of the Tree, and in some way, in the treatment of ritual purity rules that was discussed earlier, we may suspect a lack of understanding of the spiritual and theological meaning of things and a tendency to overcompensate for this lack of understanding by adding external elements and non-existent qualities.   Could this be a glimpse into the process by which any old monk—whether saintly or not—can become an “elder” in the eyes of some beholders, and any parish priest—whether competent in spiritual matters or not—risks becoming a “holy father” to those who too zealously seek one?   This certainly in no way implies that men are somehow more likely to understand the true theological meaning of things.  Ancestral and personal sin blinds all humans equally.  If we chose to look at expressions of male spirituality instead, we would find an equally shallow comprehension of things divine, beginning with Adam’s participation in the original sin and followed by his blaming God Who gave him a wife (Gen. 3:12).  Men have also been responsible for their share of various mind-numbing religious restrictions and prohibitions.  Nonetheless, with respect to real or pseudo-elders, it appears that women more than men are likely to both recognize or create someone’s “elderhood.”  They are also more likely to seek a closer relationship with the elder as well as spiritual direction, whereas men tend to avoid asking for directions—a fact that is supported by both conventional wisdom and psychological research.

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3622         B. Šabb. 33a; Gen. Rab. 97 (NV); Exod. Rab. 2:2; for similar association of glory with the temple, see Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; 32:1. For the Spirit dwelling in God " s temple, see Isaacs, Spirit, 25 (citing Josephus Ant. 8.114 as a Spirit-parallel to rabbinic Judaism " s Shekinah). Sievers, «Shekhinah,» thinks that the Shekinah may have been more universalized after the templés destruction in 70. Naturally God " s glory was also portrayed as dwelling in heaven (1QS 10.3). 3624 Exod 13:21; 40:36–38; Neh 9:12; Ps 78:14 ; Mek. Šir. 3.67 ff.; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 5:1; cf. Ps 80:1 ; Isa 63:14; Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Num. 80, 84). Glory, of course, had always been associated with that event (e.g., 2Macc 2:7–8; Pss. So1. 11:2–6). From at least the second century, however, rabbinic tradition indicated that the Shekinah also participated in Israel " s captivity in Egypt and Babylonia (Mek. Pisha 14.87ff.; Mek. Bes. 3.82–83; Sipra Behuq. pq. 6.267.2.6; Sipre Num. 84.4.1; p. Ta c an. 1:1, §10, citing a Tanna; Exod. Rab. 15:16; Num. Rab. 7:10; Lam. Rab. 1:5, §32; cf. Cohen, «Shekhinta»; as late as the Zohar, cited in Siegal, «Israel,» 106). 3625 Abelson, Immanence, 380–82, notes that although kabod («glory») sometimes is identified with Shekinah, they are not always the same; but he feels that δξα in the NT covers the semantic range of both terms (380). Burney, Origin, 36, imports the Aramaic yekara («glory») alongside Shekinah (presence) here. 3627 See Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 11, and passim. Coloe also points to other Johannine passages pregnant with temple symbolism. 3628 E.g., Num. Rab. 20:10; see Kadushin, Mind, 223–26 (against medieval philosophers); cf. Abelson, Immanence, 98–134, followed also by Isaacs, Spirit, 25–26. In one late personification, the departing Shekinah kissed the walls of the temple (Lam. Rab. proem 25). 3629 Kadushin, Mind, 226–29; cf. Abelson, Immanence, on the Shekinah as the «immanent God» (pp. 117–34). 3632 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 38 A; Sipra Qed. pq. 8.205.2.1; par. 4.206.2.6; Sipre Deut. 258.2.3; 320.2.1; b. Ber. 5b; Roš Haš. 31a; Šabb. 33a, 139a; Yebam. 64a, bar.; Yoma 21b;p. Sanh. 8:8, §1; Deut. Rab. 5:10; 6:14; Ruth Rab. 1:2; cf. Sipre Num. 1.10.3; Urbach, Sages, 1:286–87 (citing Mek. Pisha 5); pagan deities in Ovid Fasti 1.247–250; Plutarch Them. 10.1; so with Wisdom (Wis 1:4; 6:12–25, esp. 6:23; cf. Wis 7:25–26; Babrius 126). The Shekinah was progressively banished from, and then reinvited to, earth CAbotR. Nat. 34 A; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:1; Gen. Rab. 19:7; Song Rab. 5:1, §1); because of sin, his tabernacle or temple was necessary to bring his presence (Pesiq. Rab 7:4). For the Shekinah continuing with Israel even when they sin, see Abelson, Immanence, 135–42.

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10669 Freyne, Galilee, 195. He attributes the lack of early Roman persecution of Jesus» followers to Galilean-Judean differences (p. 196), but is it not possible that they simply did not view Jesus» disciples as a threat (18:36–38)? 10670 Safrai, «Home,» 734; cf. Aristophanes Wasps 154–155. 10671 Cf. different views on the nature of the resurrection body in early Judaism (Ferguson, Backgrounds, 439–40). 10672 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10673 E.g., Homer Od. 4.795–803, 838–839; Boring et a1., Commentary, 306, cites Hom. Hymn, Hymn to Hermes 145–146. Laurin, John, 258, speculates on «molecular displacement,» an image not likely to have crossed the minds of John " s audience. 10674 Cf. Tholuck, John, 452–53. 10675 Witherington, Wisdom, 342. 10676 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10677 E.g., Jub. 12:29; 18:16; 19:29; 21:25; Gen. Rab. 100:7. It appears commonly in tomb inscriptions as well (Goodenough, Symbols, 2:108). 10678 For situation-appropriate words of «peace,» see, e.g., Tob 12(at an angelophany). On the efficacy of such words, cf. 1QS 2.9 10679 Mbiti, Religions, 85. 10680 So also others, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 335; Haenchen, John, 2:210; Cook, «Exegesis,» 5. 10681 Also Cicero Verr. 2.5.1.3; Seneca Controv. 1.4.2. Likewise, wounds could be displayed in corpses to stir indignation (Ovid Fasti 2.849; Plutarch Caesar 68.1). 10682 E.g., Ovid Metam. 13.262–267; Fasti 2.696–699 (in this case deceptively); Plutarch Alex. 50.6; Arrian Alex. 7.10.1–3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.62.3; Livy 45.39.17; Valerius Maximus 7.7.1; cf. Sallust Letter of Gnaeus Pompeius 1–2; Caesar C.W. 1.72; Silius Italicus 9.350–351; Valerius Maximus 3.2.24; or citing dangers one had faced, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 168–169; Cicero Cat. 4.1.2; 1Cor 15:30 . Cf. also bruises as marks of athletic exertion (Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.4). 10683 E.g., Homer Od. 19.467–473; P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31; Philostratus Hrk. 12.4. 10684 E.g., 2 Bar. 50:2–4; Gen. Rab. 95:1; Ecc1. Rab. 1:4, §2; for very literalistic understandings of the resurrection, Osborne, «Resurrection,» 933, cites 2Macc 7:10–11; 14:46; Sib. Or. 4.176–82. This idea probably is assumed in Matt 5but appears less probable in 1Cor 15:35–44, 50 .

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1621 Witherington, Wisdom, 7. He suggests that Johannine Christians were instead trying to evangelize there (Wisdom, 13), a not implausible suggestion (cf., e.g., Acts 9:20; 13:5,43; 14:1; 17:10, 17; 18:4,19, 26; 19:8; but 24seems curious), though not incompatible with them being there (cf. Acts 9:2; 22:19; Jas 2:2). 1626 See, e.g., Hagner, " Sitz,» 64–65, persuasively, and Dunn, «Antioch,» 10, which he cites; France, Evangelist, 101; 2Cor 11:24; 1 Thess 2:14. We lack reason to attribute conflict narratives to Mark " s imagination (pace Mack, Myth, 375); intra-Jewish disputes were common in the Second Temple period (e.g., 4QMMT in Overman, Community, 224), and conflict pervaded the ethos of Mediterranean society (cf. sophists in Winter, Philo and Paul; politics in Marshall, Enmity). Controversy stories may fit a Greek form (Mack, Myth, 195), but it was also a Jewish form (Theissen, Gospels, 122). 1627 Reicke, Era, 305; Harrington, People, 104; cf. Bruce, Commentary on Acts, 452–53. For Yavneh and its successors, cf., e.g., Gen. Rab. 97 (NV). Flusser, Judaism, 636, thinks the real break occurred only in the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–135 C.E., but recognizes that the «same sectarian, separatist trend» which characterized Qumran also quickly separated Christianity from the rest of Judaism (36). 1628 Allen, «Church,» 91–92; Kysar, Evangelist, 149,156; idem, «Vectors,» 366; Manns, «Réponse.» For rabbinic authority at Yavneh, see Bowman, Gospel, 25. 1631 Baum, Jews, 105, although he probably implicitly identifies the leaders of the synagogue too closely with Pharisaism. 1634 Visotzky, «Prolegomenon.» The archaeological data encourage a more positive picture of Jewish Christians with their neighbors, but so far sheds little light on the polemic reported from various documentary sources. 1636 The proposal that Simeon ben Zoma converted to Christianity (Levey, «Secret») has been hotly disputed (Zeitlin, «Plague»; against Elisha ben Abuyás conversion, see Ayali, «Apostasie»). 1637

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