| 4166 See Keener, Matthew, 45–51. 4167 Some purist stylists objected to including foreign words in their works; see, e.g., [Virgil] Cata1. 7. 4168 E.g., Gen 37:15 ; Virgil Aen. 7.197; 8.112–114. 4169 Cf. Latinus " s question of the Trojans and subsequent hospitality in Virgil Aen. 7.197,202. 4170 Jewish texts especially speak of «following after» God (rather than onés own desires); see Helfmeyer, «Gott.» 4171 See, e.g., Wis 1:1; Jub. 1:15; 21:2; Matt 6:33; in the DSS, e.g., 1QS 1.1–2; 5:9,11; CD 1.10; 6.6; 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 1, lines 8–12; 4Q416 frg. 2 (with 4Q417 in Wise, Scrolls, 384–85), co1. 3, lines 12–14; cf. Garcia de la Fuente, «Bûsqueda»; «seekers of smooth things,» negatively, 4QpNah. 2.2, 4; 3.3. For Wisdom, e.g., Sir 51:13–14,21 ; Wis 8:2; the law, Sir 35:15 ; for seeking out a prophet, cf. Sipre Deut. 62.1.1; on the application to study of Torah, see CD 6.7, and esp. Culpepper, School, 291–99, with John 5:39; 7 (pp. 298–99). On seeking and «finding» (cf. John 1:41,45 ) God, cf. Wis 1:2; Jub. 1:15; Matt 7:7; a prophet, cf. Sipre Deut. 62.1.1. 4172 Stibbe, Gospel, 1, finds an inclusio between 1and 20:15. For this as Johannine discipleship language, see Collins, Written, 52, 94–127. 4173 For reticence in responding, as in Luke 24:28–29, see, e.g., Bailey, Peasant Eyes, 108. One might protest that another of higher status has no time (Ovid Metam. 5.333–334) and await their assurance to the contrary before proceeding (5.335–336). A teacher might converse in a low-key manner to arouse the hearers» interest to learn more (e.g., Philostratus Hrk. 1.1–5.6). 4174 See Liefeld, «Preacher,» 223, noting Dio Chrysostom as an exception due to his exile. Most of Socrates» students wished to be with him as much as possible (Xenophon Mem. 4.1.1; 4.2.40). Musonius Rufus advocated this approach (11, p. 84.9–14; cf. 6, p. 52.7). 4175 Gerhardsson, Origins, 16–17. 4176 See abundant evidence in Young, Parables, 214; Safrai, «Home,» 762; among Romans, though usually inside, see Jeffers, World, 255. Vermes, Religion, 46, notes some meager evidence for « " wandering Galilean» Bible interpreters.» |
| 5944 See 1 John 2:18 ; see excursus on antichrist figures in Keener, Matthew, 573–75. 5945 Bultmann, John, 270; Hunter, John, 62–63. This interpretation appears as early as Irenaeus Haer. 5.25.3. 5946 The LXX does not claim that Moses «testifies» but he very frequently appears alongside the ark of μαρτριον («testimony»; it contained the law tablets) especially in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, usually in the «tent of witness.» 5947 Cf, e.g., L.A.B. 9:16; 20:5; CIJ 2:81–82, §834; 2:82, §835; probably 2:82, §836; see further Bonsirven, Judaism, 82. Philo uses Moses» life as a paradigm (Mack, «Imitatio,» on Philo Moses 1.158–159); see further the comment on John 6:15 . Early Christians also highly respected him (e.g., Heb 3:5–6; Rev 15:3). 5948 Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20. 5949 Josephus Ant. 4.328; Sipre Deut. 306.24.2. 5950 For Philo, see esp. Meeks, Prophet-King, 103–6. In one Amoraic tradition, perhaps with tongue-in-cheek hyperbole, God even allowed Moses to be stronger than he (p. Ta c an. 4:5, §1)! 5951 Gager, Moses, 18. 5952 E.g., Jub. 1:19; Philo Moses 2.166; 4 Ezra 7:107; L.A.B. 12:8–9; Γ. Mos. 11:17; Sipre Deut. 343.1.2; as an intermediary in other respects, e.g., T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Pesiq. Rab. 6:2; 15:3. Pardon comes through Moses in 4QDibrê ham-Méorôt 2.7–12 (in Vellanickal, Sonship, 30). In greater detail, see Meeks, Prophet-King, 118, 137, 160–61, for nonrabbinic Jewish literature; 200–204, for rabbinic literature; 254, for Samaritan tradition. Joshua intercedes for Israel in L.A.B. 21:2–6. 5953 Bernard, John, 1:257; Schnackenburg, John, 2:129; Whitacre, Polemic, 51; see esp. Hafemann, «Moses.» 5954 See Pancaro, Law, 256–57. A prosecutor or accuser was the opposite of an advocate (e.g., Aeschines Ctesiphon 37, where the laws are figuratively onés advocates). 5955 For the law as reprover of God " s people, see 2 Bar. 19:3; Jas 2:9; for a commandment becoming accuser instead of advocate if one sinned, see Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6. A third-century rabbi saw Moses as Israel " s accuser on the occasion of the golden calf idol (p. Yoma 7:3, on Exod 32:31). |
| 3622 B. Šabb. 33a; Gen. Rab. 97 (NV); Exod. Rab. 2:2; for similar association of glory with the temple, see Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; 32:1. For the Spirit dwelling in God " s temple, see Isaacs, Spirit, 25 (citing Josephus Ant. 8.114 as a Spirit-parallel to rabbinic Judaism " s Shekinah). Sievers, «Shekhinah,» thinks that the Shekinah may have been more universalized after the templés destruction in 70. Naturally God " s glory was also portrayed as dwelling in heaven (1QS 10.3). 3624 Exod 13:21; 40:36–38; Neh 9:12; Ps 78:14 ; Mek. Šir. 3.67 ff.; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 5:1; cf. Ps 80:1 ; Isa 63:14; Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Num. 80, 84). Glory, of course, had always been associated with that event (e.g., 2Macc 2:7–8; Pss. So1. 11:2–6). From at least the second century, however, rabbinic tradition indicated that the Shekinah also participated in Israel " s captivity in Egypt and Babylonia (Mek. Pisha 14.87ff.; Mek. Bes. 3.82–83; Sipra Behuq. pq. 6.267.2.6; Sipre Num. 84.4.1; p. Ta c an. 1:1, §10, citing a Tanna; Exod. Rab. 15:16; Num. Rab. 7:10; Lam. Rab. 1:5, §32; cf. Cohen, «Shekhinta»; as late as the Zohar, cited in Siegal, «Israel,» 106). 3625 Abelson, Immanence, 380–82, notes that although kabod («glory») sometimes is identified with Shekinah, they are not always the same; but he feels that δξα in the NT covers the semantic range of both terms (380). Burney, Origin, 36, imports the Aramaic yekara («glory») alongside Shekinah (presence) here. 3627 See Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 11, and passim. Coloe also points to other Johannine passages pregnant with temple symbolism. 3628 E.g., Num. Rab. 20:10; see Kadushin, Mind, 223–26 (against medieval philosophers); cf. Abelson, Immanence, 98–134, followed also by Isaacs, Spirit, 25–26. In one late personification, the departing Shekinah kissed the walls of the temple (Lam. Rab. proem 25). 3629 Kadushin, Mind, 226–29; cf. Abelson, Immanence, on the Shekinah as the «immanent God» (pp. 117–34). 3632 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 38 A; Sipra Qed. pq. 8.205.2.1; par. 4.206.2.6; Sipre Deut. 258.2.3; 320.2.1; b. Ber. 5b; Roš Haš. 31a; Šabb. 33a, 139a; Yebam. 64a, bar.; Yoma 21b;p. Sanh. 8:8, §1; Deut. Rab. 5:10; 6:14; Ruth Rab. 1:2; cf. Sipre Num. 1.10.3; Urbach, Sages, 1:286–87 (citing Mek. Pisha 5); pagan deities in Ovid Fasti 1.247–250; Plutarch Them. 10.1; so with Wisdom (Wis 1:4; 6:12–25, esp. 6:23; cf. Wis 7:25–26; Babrius 126). The Shekinah was progressively banished from, and then reinvited to, earth CAbotR. Nat. 34 A; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:1; Gen. Rab. 19:7; Song Rab. 5:1, §1); because of sin, his tabernacle or temple was necessary to bring his presence (Pesiq. Rab 7:4). For the Shekinah continuing with Israel even when they sin, see Abelson, Immanence, 135–42. |
| 5547 In the priestly perspective of the Chronicler, national revivals normally involved revivals of cultic worship (1 Chr 6:31–32; 15:16, 28–29; 16:4–6, 41–42; 23:30; 2 Chr 8:14; 20:18–22, 28; 29:25; 30:27; 31:2; 35:2–5; Ezra 3:10–11; Neh 12:24, 27–47). 5549 So also Scott, Spirit, 196 («that mood of ecstasy in which prayer was offered and the will of God ascertained» among the early Christians). Cf. Aune, Eschatology, 104 («charismatic manifestations»); pace Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 44, who opposes signs-faith (4:48) to ecstatic worship, presumably on the basis of their linkage in some modern movements. 5551 For Spirit-empowered worship, see, e.g., T. Job 51:4, 52:12; Tg. Jon. on 1Sam 19:23–24 (cf. 1Sam 19MT); Tg. Jon. on 2Sam 22:1; 23:1 ; Keener, Spirit, 11. Inspired singing appears in the OT but was also recognized in the Greco-Roman tradition (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.31.1; with Philós Therapeutae, cf. also Diodorus Siculus 2.47.3). 5555 1QS 11.8; 1QM 12.1–2; 4QShirShab; Jub. 30:18; 31:14; Sipre Deut. 306.31.1; Vermes, Religion, 128; Robinson, «Adam and Liturgy»; cf. Pr. Man. 15; Apoc. Ab. 17. This may be why Essenes emphasized correct times of worship (1QS 10.6; Jub. 16:28). 5556 Cf. 2:4, also addressed to γναι. Brown, John, 1:172, compares here Synoptic references to the kingdom as already and not yet. Schnackenburg, John, 1:438, suggests that the realized eschatology in this passage goes beyond the Qumran texts; but Aune has argued that it appears in some sense there as well (Eschatology). 5559 Talbert, «Worship,» 340–46, citing, e.g., Seneca Ep. 41; Apollonius of Tyana On Sacrifices frg. in Eusebius Praep. ev. 4.12–13; Apollonius of Tyana Ep. 26; Porphyry On Abstinence frg. in Eusebius Praep. ev. 4.11; Philo Good Person 75. One could cite many examples of spiritual or ethical sacrifices (e.g., Isocrates Ad Nic. 20, Or. 2; Plutarch Educ. 14, Mor. 11C; Pyth. Sent. 15, 20; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.119; 8.1.22; Philostratus Ep. (of Apollonius) 27; Prov 15:8 ; Ps 154:10–11 ; Jdt 16:16; Sir 32:1–3 ; Wis 3:6; 1QS 9.4–5; 10.6; Sipre Deut. 306.20.3; " Abot R. Nat. 4A; 8, §22B; Rom 12:1 ; Sent. Sext. 47). |
| 7902 Homer Il. 8.31; 22.178; 24.473; Od. 1.45, 81; 5.7; 8.306; 12.377; Aristophanes Wasps 652; even those not descended from him, such as his siblings (Homer I1. 5.757,762; 19.121; Od. 13.128). 7903 Homer Il. 2.371; 7.179, 202, 446; 8.236; 12.164; 13.631; 15.372; 17.19, 645; 19.270; 21.273; 24.461; Od. 12.371; Cleanthes Hymn to Zeus in Stobaeus Ee1. 1.1.12; Sophocles Oed. tyr. 202; Aristophanes Ach. 223–225; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1673; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274B; Longinus Sub1. 9.10. 7905 Jub. 1:25, 28; Wis 11:10; Tob 13:4; later, Jos. Asen. 12MSS; T. Job 33MSS, 9; T. Ab. 16:3; 20:13A; cf. Pr. Jos. 1. 7906 Jeremias, Prayers, 15–16; idem, Message, 14. Chilton, Approaches, 59, cites «Father» as a prayer invocation in T. Job and (probably later) the Targumim. Greeks and Romans may have employed the title less pervasively than Judaism and in contrast to Judaism applied the image to the deity " s power rather than to his intimacy with Israel (cf. Johnson, Prayer, 61). 7907 M. Sotah 9:15; t. Ber. 3:14; B. Qam. 7:6; Hag. 2:1; Péah 4:21; Sipra Qed. pq. 9.207.2.13; Behuq.pq. 8.269.2.15; Sipre Deut. 352.1.2; b. Ber. 30a, bar.; p. Sank 10:2, §8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:9; Lev. Rab. 1:3; 7:1; 35:10; SongRab. 7:11, §1. 7908 Marmorstein, Names, 56–60; Moore, Judaism, 2:204–9; McNamara, Targum, 116–18. Jeremias contends that «Father» is rarely attributed to first-century sages (Prayers, 16–17); but this observation omits some evidence (Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 40) and fails to take into account the sparseness of rabbinic attributions in general in the earlier period. 7911 E.g., Sipre Deut. 27.2.1; " AbotR. Nat. 24, §51B; cf. Jub. 25(«Lord of the age»). Satan assumes this role (kosmokratör) only in some later texts (e.g., Hoskyns, Gospel, 426, cites Exod. Rab. on 24:7, following Billerbeck). Some gnostics later argued that the Jewish God was the lord of the world, whom they identified with Satan, inviting apologetic (Marmorstein, Names, 64, 99). 7912 E.g., 3 En. 1:4. Michael regularly appears as αρχιστρτηγος or similar titles ( Dan 10:13,21; 12:1 ; 2 En. 22:6J; 33:10; 3 Bar. 11:4,6–8; T. Ab. 1:13; 2:1A; 14:7B; Jos. Asen. 14:7; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 4:24; cf. Raphael in Gk. Apoc. Ezra 1:4). |
| 1096 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 106–7, surveys contemporary Jewish texts in which repentance and eschatology occur together (cf. 92 for John the Baptist); cf. also 1 En. 50:3–5 (in the Similitudes, of uncertain date); Pss. So1. 9:7; T. Ab. 10:14A; 11:10B; m. «Abot 2:10; Yoma 8:8; t. Kip. 4:7; »Abot R. Nat. 39A-40; 15,29, §62B; b. Šabb. 153a; Roš Haš. 16b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2, and often in rabbinic literature (where repentance makes one right before the Judge). 1097 Philosophers could describe such a change by other means (Cicero Tusc. 3.27.58), while using this specific term rarely (e.g., Marcus Aurelius 8.10). John " s regeneration language ( John 1:12, 3:3–5 ) indicates the radical transformation of conversion. 1098 See also the conclusions of Hengel, «Throngemeinschaft,» who compares Revelation " s Christology with that of the Gospel and 1 John. 1099 Some commentators think that the emperor was worshiped as Apollo, son of Zeus, in Thyatira (Fiorenza, Revelation, 193); others associate the two (Caird, Revelation, 43, based on numismatic evidence). 1100 The association with a paschal lamb is clear, since his blood delivers his people (7:3) from participation in the plagues. 1101 This was associated with Torah (Sipre Deut. 47.3.2; b. " Abot 6:7; Lev. Rab. 9:3, 25:1, 35:6; Num. Rab. 13:12; Ecc1. Rab. 1.4, §4; also Targumim according to McNamara, Targum, 121) because of its identification with Wisdom in Prov 3:18 . The imagery can be explained without recourse to Torah associations, however (e.g., Prov 11:30; 13:12; 15:4; 4 Macc 18:16; Pss. So1. 14:3–4; in Rev 22:2, Gen 2is explicitly in view), where the end time includes a restored beginning-time paradise, as in some other apocalyptic texts (4 Ezra 8:52; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 2:11; 5:21). 1102 The light in Revelation is probably eschatological, cf. Isa 58:8–10, 60:1–3; Wis 3:7–8, 5:6; 1QM 1.8; 1QH 18.28–29; 1 En. 1:8; 39:7; 50:1; 51:5; 58:2–6; 91:16; 96:3; 108:11–15; 2 En. 65:10; 65A; 3 En. 5:3; 4 Ezra 7:39–44,97; 2 Bar. 10:12; Sib. Or. 2.329 (probably Christian redaction); 4.190–192; in rabbinic literature, cf. Sipre Deut. 47.2.1–2; b. Sank. 100a; and Ya1. Ps. 72 in Abelson, Immanence, 89. On different applications of light imagery, see our commentary on John 1:4–5 , below. |
| 6774 For «remaining forever,» cf. 12:34; 1 John 2:17; 2 John 2 (there are only three non-Johannine uses in the NT; cf. 1 Esd 4:37–38). That legal adoption of a son was also μνω (P.Oxy. 1206.9) is probably irrelevant. 6775 E.g., Dio Chrysostom Or. 64.13. 6776 E.g., Sipre Deut. 40.6.1 (parable); b. B. Bat. 10a (about Akiba but probably later); Deut. Rab. 3:2; Pesiq. Rab. 27:3; see further Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 117–18. 6777 See Westcott, John, 134; Sanders, John, 221 ; Evans, John, 93. For background on Hagar " s and Ishmael " s «freeing» as slaves, see Sarna, Genesis, 128–29,155–57. 6778 E.g., Culpepper, Anatomy, 157. 6779 Jos. Asen. 10:4; 17:4; possibly Acts 13:1; Dixon, Mothers, 128. 6780 For people dwelling in shrines, see, e.g., Livy 40.51.8. The gate of John 10 could allude to the prince and his people going in and out through the gate of Ezek 46:9–10 , but the phraseology may be much broader than that: Num 27:17 ; 2Sam 5:2; 1 Kgs 3:7; 1 Chr 11:2. 6781 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Astyphilus 16; Estate of Nicostratus 27–31; Lysias Or. 7.24–33, §110–111; 7.41, §112; 16; 18; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Vat. 1.1–2; Rosc. com. 7.21; Pro Sulla 24.68; 26.72; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isaeus 3, 9; Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.50.63; Valerius Maximus 8.5.6; Acts 23:1. 6782 E.g., Plutarch Demosthenes 11.4; Cicero 38.2–6; 40.3. Sometimes even the butt of the joke was forced to laugh (Xenophon Cyr. 2.2.16). 6783 Plutarch Cicero 5.4; 27.1; 39.1. Cicero was sometimes intemperate with his vice lists (e.g., Pis. 27.66)! 6784 E.g., Lysias Or. 3.1, §96; Aeschines Against Timarchus passim, esp. (and ironically!) 179; False Embassy 3,14,56,69; Thucydides 3.61.1; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Rosc. Amer. 30.82–45.132; Cae1. 13.31; 24.60; Quinct. 3.11–9.33 (the entire narratio!); Pro Scauro 13.29; Sest. 37.80; Matt 12:24–45; probably Acts 24(implied in the anacoluthon); cf. comments in Anderson, Glossary, 72–73. Occasionally one brought countercharges only afterward (Thucydides 3.70.3–4); such behavior might serve to deter future claimants. |
| 9912 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 294; the entire sentence is italicized in the origina1. A messianic claim could only be indictable if construed as treason (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 55). 9915 Truth may be unattainable in its perfect form, but for Cicero it remains the object of inquiry rather than simply being persuasive (Cicero Or. Brut. 71.237; Fin. 1.5.13). 9917 Brown, John, 2:854, stresses the parallel with 10:3, noting that in the OT kings were «shepherds» of their people. 9919 E.g., Quintilian 2.17.28; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.122; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 108.13; on Musonius Rufus, see Klassen, «Law.» In Jewish circles, cf. CD 6.6; " AbotR. Nat. 44, §124B; Gen. Rab. 93:2; Deut. Rab. 2:33. On the need for educated rulers, see, e.g., Plutarch S.K., Cyrus 2, Mor. 172E; lined. R. passim, Mor. 779D-782F. 9920 E.g., Dio Chrysostom On Kingship; the symposium section of Letter of Aristeas. Cf. also smaller sections on the topic of kingship, e.g., Plato Rep. 5.472; Isocrates Ad Nic. 10–11, 29, Or. 2; Plutarch S.R., Cato the Elder 8, Mor. 198F; cf. Prov 8:15 ; Sipre Deut. 161.2.1. 9923 Duke, Irony, 130. It is unlikely that we are to think of Pilate as a parody of Socrates who cross-examines people to achieve truth (Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.8); that is closer to Jesus» role (18:4, 7,21,23,34). 9925 For the irony, see also Duke, Irony, 131, who also contrasts the «robber» and good shepherd in 10:1,8, 11. 9926 Nicholson, Death, 54, suggests this chiasm: Jesus as King (19:1–3, 17–22); Pilate and the «Jews» (19:4–7,12–16); Pilate and Jesus (19:8–11). 9927 One could draw good examples from some behavior of even generally negative characters (see, e.g., Valerius Maximus 4.7.1; 4.2.7). 9928 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 298, sees the condemnation by the crowds as an example of the Gospels» slant «to incriminate the Jews and exculpate the Romans,» on which see above. 9930 On the rhetorical bias of such accounts, see, e.g., Krieger, «Judenfeind»; Thatcher, «Pilate.» 9931 See Brown, Death, 793–95. If John knows the passion tradition followed by Mark, however, the value of independent attestation is weakened. |
| 6047 Blomberg, «Miracles as Parables,» 343; also Brown, John, 1:254. Dodd, Tradition, 197, contends that Mark tells the story mainly from Jesus» perspective, and John from that of the disciples. 6048 On a recovered Galilean fishing boat, see Peachey, «Building»; Riesner, «Neues»; Andifiach, «Barca»; Wachsmann, «Boat»; Stone, «Boat.» 6051 Boring et a1., Commentary, 99–100, cites Isocrates Paneg. 88–89; Dio Chrysostom Or. 3, On Kingship 3, §30. 6053 Smith, Magician, 120, cites Lucian Philops. 13; also the promise of water-walking ability in PGM 1.121. See the citations in Bultmann, Tradition, 236–37 6054 Smith, Magician, 119. Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 190, cites traditions in which Orpheus, Abaris, Epimenides, and Apollonius as well as Pythagoras and Empedocles controlled the elements; cf. also the ancient (deceased) hero Protesilaos (Philostratus Hrk. 13.2–3; but see Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, lxxix n. 124). 6056 Ibid., «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 192. He also contends that in such traditions the presence of sages like Pythagoras or Apollonius could guarantee a voyagés safety, but such traditions did not describe the sage saving the ship from storm (cf. also Bultmann, Tradition, 237–38, citing as closest Porphyry V.P. 29; Iamblichus V.P. 135). 6057 Cf. Bias in Diogenes Laertes 1.86; Acts 27:22–25; contrast Aristippus in Diogenes Laertes 2.71. 6058 See Theissen, Stories, 101. Prayers for safety at sea were, not surprisingly, common (e.g., Achilles Tatius 3.5). 6059 Theissen, Stories, 65, cites here Jonah 1:14; b. B. Mesi c a 59b; p. Ber. 9(Bultmann, Tradition, 234–35, prefers the latter). In 4Q451 frg. 7, line 3 (in Wise, Scrolls, 259) apparently the Mediterranean Sea would be still because of the eschatological revealer, but his role (like Moses?) and the character of the peace (naturés or humanity " s?) are not yet fully clear. 6060 E.g.,Mek. Pisha 16.165–168; Bes. 4.52ff.; Sipre Deut. 8.1.1; in later texts, p. Ta c an. 1:1, §8; Gen. Rab. 23:6; 55:8; 74:12; 76:5; 84:5; 87:8; Exod. Rab. 2:4; 15:4, 10; 31:2; Lev. Rab. 34:8, bar.; Num. Rab. 3:6, bar.; 13:20; Deut. Rab. 2:23; Song Rab. 4:4, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10:9. |
| 3676 T. Ab. 7:1; 8ΙΑ; Γ. Isaac 2:20, 25 (probably a Christian work); Philo Abraham 50; Gen. Rab. 59:9. 3680 When Deut 16 lists first sons, then daughters, slaves, and Lévites, rabbis remarked, «the most beloved comes first» (Sipre Deut 138.2.1; 141.2; Neusner, 1:331, 337); Jeremiah could call his scribe Baruch, «my beloved son» (ε μου αγαπητ) (4 Bar. 7[Kraft, 38–39] ); like a king who favors his youngest son, God loves Benjamin in a special way (Sipre Deut 352 .7A). Thus Horus may appear as Isis " s and Osiris " s «beloved son» (PDM Sup. 131) by borrowing the earlier Christian expression, but may simply be «beloved» as a son would normally be. 3682 Tob 8:17; cf. 4 Ezra 10:1. Only sons could hold a special place because they were heirs, regardless of their behavior; cf. Manasseh in Ascen. Isa. 1(probably pre-Christian material); see comment on John 8:35 . 3684 Ibid., 7, citing Hesychius Pollux 3.19. Further, «Aquila and Symmachus have monogenes in every context where the LXX and Origen have agaptos« (Roberts, «Only Begotten,»» 13). 3687 CIJ 1:96, §137. Cf. Homer Il. 16.460. Normally one would have compassion on someone who had lost a son (cf. Plutarch Camillus 11.2). 3688 Sipre Deut 313.1.4; Gen. Rab. 55:7. Cf. also references above to Isaac as «beloved»; similar language from Abraham to Jacob in Jub. 19:27. The Akedah was among the Genesis texts apt to be emphasized in the Second Temple period (4Q252 1 3.6–9); in later texts, Isaac " s willingness to be sacrificed proved meritorious (e.g., Tg. Neof. on Gen 22:8, 10, 14 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 22:1,10 and on Lev 22:27 ; contrast the Greek child sacrifice tradition in Aeschylus Agamemnon 205–247). 3689 Since both Isaac and Ishmael were only sons of their mothers and Abraham loved both, they said that God had to specify further (e.g., Gen. Rab. 55:7; Pesiq. Rab. 40:6). Early Christian art applies the Akedah to Jesus» death (Jensen, «Binding»); but Hayward, «Sacrifice,» argues that the later Akedah haggadah is without Christian influence. |
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