| This action increased the fury of the revolutionaries against the Church, which they despised for its close alliance with the hated Tsarist regime that they had dedicated their lives to overthrowing. According to James Cunningham, “On January 23, 1918, they issued a decree which separated the Church from the State, took away all schools from the Church, expropriated all ecclesiastical properties, suspended all government subsidies to Church organizations, denied the Church its status as a legal entity, and totally secularized the state.” Two days later, Metropolitan Vladimir of Kiev (1848–1918) became the first bishop to be executed by the revolutionaries. During the course of the next three years, at least 28 bishops were murdered, thousands of clergy were imprisoned or killed, and some 12,000 laymen were killed for religious activities. On the night of July 17, 1918, Tsar Nicholas and his entire immediate family were treacherously and shamefully executed at Ekaterinburg; and the next night Grand Duchess Elizabeth (1864–1918) and other members of the extended Royal Family were murdered near Alapaevsk. They all were recognized as saints among the new martyrs, confessors, and passion-bearers of Russia by the Russian Church in 2000. On May 12, 1922, Patriarch Tikhon was imprisoned for his refusal to give up consecrated Church vessels which the government demanded during that time of famine and civil war, ostensibly to sell to help feed the poor. He had offered the unconsecrated treasures of the Church to the Bolsheviks, and he had promised as well to raise money for the afflicted through free will offerings of the faithful that would equal the amount which the government was demanding, as long as such offerings would be distributed to the people directly by the Church. He was released from prison in June of 1923, upon making a statement of loyalty to the Soviet government-a step he felt he had to take for the good of the Church. In his struggles and trials, the patriarch tried to follow a path of political neutrality while defending the rights of the Church. He died in 1925 under mysterious circumstances in a hospital in Moscow, as a confessor for the Faith. In 1989, Patriarch Tikhon was canonized by the Moscow Patriarchate as “Saint Tikhon the Confessor, Patriarch of Moscow and All-Russia, and Enlightener of North America.” The Living Church |
| Such a use betrays an obvious misunderstanding of the term, and is an injustice both to the principle itself and to its proper application. The term oikonomia does not belong originally to legal vocabulary; meaning «household management,» it designates in the New Testament the divine plan of salvation: «He has made known to us in all wisdom and insight the mystery of his will, according to his purpose which he set forth in Christ as a plan [oikonomia] for the fullness of time, to recapitulate all things in him, things in heaven and things on earth» (Ep 1:9–10; V. also 3:2–3). But this divine plan for the management of history and of the world has been entrusted to men. For Paul, preaching of the word is an oikonomia, entrusted by God (1 Co 9:17), and, therefore, we should be regarded as «servants of Christ and stewards [oikonomoi] of the mysteries of God» (1 Co 4:1). More specifically, the «management«» or «stewardship» belongs to those who fulfill the ministry of leading the Church: «The Church, of which I became a minister according to the divine office [oikonomia] which was given to me for you» (Col 1:24–25). In the Pastorals, the oikonomia belongs particularly to the episkopos: «For a bishop, as God»«s steward [oikonomos], must be blameless» (Tt 1:7). Among the Greek Fathers, oikonomia has the standard meaning of «incarnation history,» especially during the Christological controversies of the fifth century. In a subsidiary way it is also used in canonical texts, and then, obviously, places the pastoral «management» entrusted to the Church in the context of God»«s plan for the salvation of mankind. Thus, in his famous Letter to Amphilochius, which became an authoritative part of the Byzantine canonical collections, Basil of Caesarea, after reaffirming the Cyprianic principle about the invalidity of baptism by heretics, continues: «If, however, this becomes an obstacle to [God»«s] general oikonomia, one should again refer to custom and follow the Fathers who have managed [the Church].» The «custom» to which Basil refers was current «in Asia,» where «the management of the multitude» had accredited the practice of accepting baptism by heretics. |
| In the early 2000s, Constantinople laid claims to the Cathedral of the Dormition and filed a suit. All the three court instances fell on the time when I administered the diocese of Hungary. And we won all the three instances - first the Budapest City Court, then the Court of Appeal and, finally, the Supreme Court. We managed to prove convincingly that the present community of the Cathedral of the Dormition, including Greeks and Hungarians and people of other ethnic background, was a direct legal successor of the original community. Moreover, direct descendants of the first founders are serving in the clergy of our church to this day. Therefore, the Patriarch of Constantinople can make whatever claims he wants, but it has been already thrice proved judicially and finally that these claims are altogether ungrounded. The tenth commandment of the Law of Moses reads, “You shall not covet your neighbor’s house. You shall not covet your neighbor’s wife, or his male or female servant, his ox or donkey, or anything that belongs to your neighbor” (Ex. 20:17). It is appropriate to remind the Patriarch of Constantinople of this commandment. Expressing such ideas publicly, he encroaches on others’ property whose right holder has been determined by court. Besides, he thus casts doubt on the competence of Hungarian courts. The Hungarian state acted very wisely by giving the Patriarchate of Constantinople as a gift a territory and a group of buildings where a church will be built (Patriarch Bartholomew blessed the foundation stone). It should seem what else does he need? But no, it proves to be not enough. Right in the presence of benefactors, Patriarch Bartholomew voices claims also to a church building that has never belonged to Constantinople. The Hungarian state generally treats traditional religious confession with great consideration subsidizing their work. The repair and restoration work in the Cathedral of the Dormition is carried out with the financial support of the Hungarian state. |
| 83 See Arthur Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I. (Louvain, 1958 – C.S.C.O., Subsidia 14), 138 ff., and II. (Louvain, I960 – C.S.C.O., Subsidia 17), 19 ff. Professor Vööbus discusses at length the wild and exotic character of the early Syrian anchoritism: “The same wildness also becomes manifest in the way in which these texts draw a comparison between the life in monasticism and the life of animals. A frequently occurring feature in these sources is this, that the monks have become the companions of wild animals. Ephrem invites his readers to make the tour with him to see these monks and adds: ‘Behold, they mingle with stags and are leaping with fawns’. Moreover it is stated that a life close to animals and nature is the prerequisite to that sole sphere in which repentance can be obtained” (H, p. 27). 84 See Б. Steidle, O.S.B., “Homo Dei Antonius”, in Antonius Magnus Eremita (356 – 1956); Studia Anselmiana, 38 (Roma, 1956), 148 – 200. 85 The word μοναστριον appears for the first time in Philo, De Vita Contemplativa, M. 475.13: οκημα ιερν δ αλεται σεμνειον κα μοναστριον. It denoted here a private chamber, or a closet, reserved for solitary meditation and worship (cf. ταμειον in Mt. 6:6, 24:26 , Lk. 12:3 ). This passage of Philo was quoted by Eusebius, HE, II, 17, 9. The word does not occur in any other Greek text till the end of the third century, and at that time it acquires the meaning of an accommodation for a single monk or hermit. In this sense the word was used by St. Athanasius, and also in the Historia Lausiaca. See the note of Fred. C. Conybeare, in his edition, Philo About the Contemplative Life (Oxford, 1895), p. 211. Cf. also Vita Epiphanii, cap. 27: Epiphanius visited Hierakas ν τω μοναστηρ ατου. But by the end of the fourth century the word μοναστριον came to mean “monastery”. 86 Cf. Georg Pfeilschifter, “Oxyrhynchos, Seine Kirchen und Klöster, Auf Grund der Papyrfunde”, in Festgabe Alois Knöpf ler (Freiburg i/Br., 1917), pp. 248 – 264. |
| Louvain, 1958 (C.S.C.O., Subsidia 14), p. 138 if.; Vol. II. Louvain, 1960 (C.S.C.O., Subsidia 17), p. 19 if. Профессор Вообус подробно рассказывает о крайнем, варварском характере ранней сирийской аскетики: " Та же необыкновенная суровость проступает в часто встречающемся в этих текстах сравнении монашеской жизни с жизнью животных. Мы найдем немало примеров тому, как монахи примыкали к стадам диких зверей. Ефрем предлагает читателю последовать вслед за ним в пустыню, чтобы взглянуть на этих монахов, и говорит: " Вот, они смешались с оленями, они резвятся с оленятами " . Более того, утверждалось даже, что жизнь на природе, жизнь среди животных есть необходимое условие для стяжания подлинного покаянного чувства " (Vol. II, р.). См. Steidle В (О. S. В). Homo Dei Antonius//Antonius Magnus Eremita (356-1956)//StudiaAnselmiana. Vol. 38. Roma, 1956, pp. 148-200. Слово " μοναστριον " впервые встречается у Филона Александрийского в " De Vita Contemplat!va " , M. 475.13:οκημα ερν δ καλεται σεμνειον και μοναστριον [священное помещение, которое называется σεμνειον или μοναστριον]. Здесь оно обозначает затворенную комнату, помещение для уединенных размышлений и молитв (ср. " ταμεον " в Мф. 6, 6; 24, 26; Л к. 12, 3). Этот отрывок из Филона приводит Евсевий: Hist. Eccl. II, 17, 9. В дальнейшем слово не встречается ни в одном из греческих текстов вплоть до конца третьего века, когда им начинают называть жилище монаха или отшельника. Так использует его святитель Афанасий Великий, так употребляется оно в " Historia Lausiaca " . См. комментарий Ф. Конибира (Fred. С. Conybeare) нас. 211 его издания " Philo About the Contemplative Life " (Oxford, 1895). Ср. также " Vita Epiphanii " ,cap. 27:Епифаний пришел к Гиераку εν τω μοναστηρου αυτο [ в его μοναστριον ]. Лишь к концу четвертого века слово “μοναστριον " приобрело сегодняшний смысл и стало обозначать " монастырь " . Ср. Pfeilschifter, Georg. Oxyrhynchos, Seine Kirchen und Kloster, Auf Grund der Papyrfunde//Festgabe Alois Knopfler. |
| Phrantzoles, ed. Vol. 4. Thessalonica, 1992 (=TLG 4138/73); Athan. Alex. De virginitate [Sp.]./E. von der Goltz, hrsg. Leipzig, 1905. (Texte und Untersuchungen, N. E; 14) (=TLG 2035/29). 9 «κε το φεως πακο θνατον τν μειδ προεξνησεν» (Theodor. Studit. Нот. in nativitatem Mariae//PG. 96. Col. 688A: 9–10 (=TLG 2714/1). 12 «κοσιος θνατος, περεργος ζω» (Jo. Clim. Scala 4//PG. 88. Col. 680A: 4–5 (=TLG 2907/1)). 13 «πακο δ στι νκρωσις μελν ν ζσ διανο» (Nicol. Catascep. Vita s. Cyrilli Phileotae 4, 3: 19/É. Sargologos, ed. Brussels, 1964. (Subsidia hagiographica 39) (=TLG 3264/1)). 14 См.: Sever. Gabal. In incarnationem Domini/R.F. Regtuit, ed. Amsterdam, 1992 (=CPG 4204; TLG 4139/20). 17 Авраам – образец подчинения во всем Богу и презрения всего мирского: Исаак – послушания духовным отцам вплоть до смерти (Menolog. Imperial. Vita Theodosii coenobiarchae 80: 2–6/F. Halkin, ed. Brussels, 1985. (Subsidia hagiographica 69) (=TLG 5059/17)). 24 Neoph. Inclus. Liher quinquaginta capitulorum 40, 7: 1–3/I. Karabidopoulos, C. Oikonomou, D.G. Tsames, N. Zacharopoulos, eds. Paphos, 1996. Vol. 1 (=TLG 3085/5). 25 Ephr. Syr. Serm. paraenetici ad monach. Aegypti 14: 24–25/K.G. Phrantzoles, ed. Thessalonica, 1990. Vol. 3 (=TLG 4138/36). 28 «…οτος δ τ θλημα αυτο κψας…» (Apophth. patr. (coll. system.) 14, 14: 8–10/J.-C. Guy, ed. Paris, 2003. (SC; 474) (=TLG 2742/5)). 29 «τ κρατσαι τν πακον κα κψαι τ διον θλημα» (Doroth. Gaz. Doctrin. 1, 21:6/L. Regnault, J. de Préville, eds. Paris, 1963. (SC; 92) (=TLG 2852/1)). 30 «Δοσθεον τν τς διακρτου πακος λαμπτρα» (Theod. Studit. Μεγλη κατχησις, 110/A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ed. СПб., 1904 (=TLG 2714/7)). 31 См.: «Юноши, заблудившись в пустыне, ослабели и скончались, но не прикоснулись к смоквам, которые они, по повелению аввы, несли больному старцу» (Отечник, или Краткое собрание изречений святых отцов о жизни христианской, составленное на основании трудов еп. Игнатия (Брянчанинова) . М., 1991. С. |
| Κα μολοντι τ σχετικ μ τν Κοσμ στοιχεα το Βου τοτου εναι πενιχρ, εμαστε στσο ποχρεωμνοι ν τ ναφρουμε κα ν συζητσουμε δ τ προβλματ τους, γιατ πολλ λλα κεμενα στηρζονται μεσα μμεσα σ’ ατ κα τ παναλαμβνουν. Τ χφφ. πο παραδδουν τ κεμενο εναι πολλ. χουν δη πισημανθε 57 40 κα χωρζονται σ δο μδες. Στν πρτη συγγραφας το Βου φρεται νας ωννης πατριρχης εροσολμων, ν στν λλη νας μνυμος πατριρχης ντιοχεας. Σ πολλ, ξλλου, χφφ., Βος εναι ννυμος. Παρχω δ πνακα τν γνωσττερων χφφ. κατ βιβλιοθκες κα χρονολογα. α. Μ τ νομα το ωννη πατριρχη εροσολμων: 1 . Vindobonensis philosophicus gr. 158 (X–XI s.), ff. 107–114 v . (Gordillo, Damascenica, σ. 49, κα σημ. 5. Βλ. Hoeck, Stand, σσ. 8–9). 2 . Hierosolymitanus S. Sepulcri 17 (XII s.). Ο. Παπαδοπολαν – Κεραμως, IB, τ. I, σ. 77. 3 . Laurentianus gr. IV, 4 (XII s.). Gordillo, Damascenica, σ. 49. Βλ. κα Ehrhard, Überlieferung I, 2, σ. 94. 4 . Britannicus Burneyanus gr. 44 (XII s.), ff. 5 v –17 v . C. Van de Vorst et Hip. Delehaye, «Catalogus codd. hagiographicorum graecorum Germaniae». Belgii, Angliae, Bruxellis 1913 (=Subsidia Hagiographica 13), σ. 260, 2. 5 . Sinaiticus gr. 422 (432) (XII s.), ff. 173 r –193 v . Βλ. V. N. Beneševi, Opisanie greceskich rukopisej Monastyrja Svjatoj Ekateriny na Sinae.., t. 1 (Saint Petersbourg) 1911, σ. 231. 6 . Palmiacus gr. 180 (XIII s.). Βλ. Ehrhard, Überlieferung, III, 2, σ. 758. Κα . Σακελλωνος, Πατμιακ Βιβλιοθκη, ν θναις 1890, σ. 101, που τ χφ. χρονολογεται στν 14° α. 7 . Parisinus gr. 1559 (XIV s.), ff. 1–12 v . Βλ. Fr. Halkin, «Manuscrits grecs de Paris. Inventaire hagiographique», Bruxelles 1968 (=Subsidia Hagiographica, 44), σ. 214. 8 . Parisinus Coisl. gr. 147 (XIV s.), ff. 1–16. Fr. Halkin, .π.» 255. 9 . Parisinus Coisl. gr. 306 (a. 1549), ff. 328–341 v . Βλ. Fr. Halkin, .π., σ. 274. 10 . θωνιτικς M. Διονυσου 148 (XVI α.), 36. Βλ. Λμπρου, Κατλ.. Α´ σ. 346. 11 . θωνιτικς Μ. |
| 537. 174). 33 Theolept. Philadelph. Orat. monast. 8: 50/R.E. Sinkewicz, ed. Toronto, 1992 (Studies and Texts; 111) (=TLG 3214/1). 34 Приведем характерное высказывание византийского императора Феодора II Дуки Ласкаря: «Первейшая добродетель воспитания – послушание, а послушания – смирение, смирения же – любовь к мудрости» (παιδεας γρ ρετ πρτιστς στιν πακο, ατς δ ταπενωσις, τατης δ φιλα σοφας). См.: Theodor. II Duc. Lascar. Ер. 2: 38–39/N. Festa, ed. Florence, 1898 (=TLG 3205/1). 35 См.: Apophth. patr. (coll. alphabet.). De abbate Rufo//PG. 65. Col. 389C: 6–392A: 5 (=TLG 2742/1). 39 «ξ πακος λθεν ες πθειαν δι μσου τς μετριοφροσνης» (Масаг. Macr. Encomium in Gabrielem archiepiscopum Thessalonicae 218–219/A. Argyriou, ed. Thessaloniki, 1996 (Βυζαντιν Κεμενα κα Μελται; 25) (=TLG 3211/9)). 41 « ρνησις το κσμου, λλοτρωσις τς πατρδος, το γνους, τν φλων, τν δων, ποταγ, πακο, ατη προκειμνη ρολογα» (Theodor. Studit. Parva Catechesis 49:41–43). 43 Neoph. Inclus. Liber catechesium 2, 51: 40–44/I. Karabidopoulos, C. Oikonomou, D.G. Tsames, N. Zacharopoulos, eds. Paphos, 1998. Vol. 2. (=TLG 3085/7). 44 «ταπενωσις, σωφροσνη, μελτη, δικριαις κα κατ θεν πακο» (Menolog. Imperial. Vita abbatis Euthymü 17: 11–12/F. Halkin, ed. Brussels, 1985. (Subsidia hagiographica; 69) (=TLG 5059/26)). 45 «Μοναχς π πατρα ν πνευματικν κα μ χων πακον κα ταπενωσιν, λλ’ φ’ αυτο νηστεων λλο τι ποιν τ δοκεν γαθν, τοιοτος οδεμαν ρετν ο μ κτσηται οδ οδε τ στι μοναχς» (Apophth. patr. (coll. system.) 14, 8 (=TLG 2742/12). Cp. цитацию у Николая Катасцепена: Nicol. Catascep. Vita s. Cyrilli Phileotae 39, 18: 3–6). 49 Vita Nicephori Medicii 17: 22//Analecta Bollandiana/F. Halkin, ed. 1960. Vol. 78 (=TLG 5113/1). 50 « γρ ταπεινοφροσνη κα τ τκτον ατν πακο στι» (Nicol. Catascep. Vita s. Cyrilli Phileotae 39, 20: 12–13). 52 Vitae Pachomii: Sancti Pachomii vita quarta/F. Halkin. ed. Brussels, 1932. (Suhsidia hagiographica; 19). |
| 184 . Ioannikios Kotsonis, archim. The intellect. Thessaloniki 1997. 77. (Themes from the Philokalia. 2). 185 . Ioannikios Kotsonis, archim. Watchfulness and prayer. 2 Thessaloniki 1998. 109. (Themes from the Philokalia. I). [Греч. ориг.: Νψις κα προσευχ. Θεσσαλονκη. Серия включает также брошюры: νος. (Англ. пер. см. выше). Θεα χ ρις. Τ δκρυα. Γνσις κα αγνοα. Эти изд. нам были недоступны]. 186 . Kallistos Ware, bp. Possiamo parlare di spiritualità della Philocalia?//AdB 7 .174). 27–52. 187 . Kallistos Ware, bp. The spirituality of the Philokalia//Sobornost. 1991. 13:1. 6–24. пер:. Каллистос Диоклийский, еп. Духовность Добротолюбия//АО 4(30). 2001. 108–129. [Прим. авт.: «Лекция памяти отца Льва (Жилле) 17 марта 1990 г. Я переработал материал своего доклада, произнесенного на симпозиуме, посвященном Добротолюбию, в Риме 16 ноября 1989 г.» См. 7 .174, 186]. 188 . Karanikola Р. φιλοκαλα τν νηπτικν κα τ ν ατ περιεχμενα ργα// κκλησα. 1954. 31. 264–270, 301–305. 189 . Miquel P. L’appel à l’expérience chez quelques auteurs de la Philocalie//Irénikon. 1967. 40. 354–376. [Тема дух. опыта у авторов «Добротолюбия», гл. обр., у свв. Диадоха Фотики йского , Исаака Сирина , Иоанна Лествичника . Анализ понятия «peira " ]. 190 . Nikon Neoskitiotis. La Filocalia al Monte Athos oggi//NA 7 .132). 175–180. 191 . Podskalsky G. Movimento filocalico e cultura moderna//NA 7 .132). 67–82. 192 . Robinson J. A. The philocalia of Origen. Cambridge 1953. 193 . Sherrard P. The revival of hcsychast spirituality//Christian spirituality: Post-Reformation and modern/Ed. by Dupré L., Saliers D. Ε. Ν. Y. 1989. 417–431. 194 . Staniloae D. La liturgie de la communauté et la liturgie intérieure dans la vision philocalique//Gestes et paroles dans les diverses families liturgiques. Conférences [de l’lnstitut Théologique] Saint-Serge. XXIV е Semaine d’études liturgiques. Roma 1978. 259–273. (BEL, Subsidia. 14). 195 . Stylianopoulos Tb. The Philokalia. A review article//GOTR 1981. 26:3. 252–263. |
| 2 См. его Vitae partum, а также жития галльских святых, изданых в Mon. Germ., Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum. 5 Год смерти св. Мартина, как и вся его хронология очень шатки. Последняя работа H. Delehaye дает для его жизни следующие рамки: род. Ок. 315, ум. 397. 6 Таковы были Галл и Евхерий, известные из диалогов Севера, и Виктор, упоминаемый в переписке св. Павлина. Paulini Noiani Epist. XXIII ed. Hartel. 7 plerosque ex eis postea episcopos vidimus. Quae enim esset civitas aut ecclesia, quae non sibi de Martini monasterio cuperet sacerdotem ? V. M. c. 10. 13 Apostolica auctoritas V. M. 20,1; consertus apostolis et profetis Ep. II, 8; meritoque hunc iste Sulpitius apostolis conparat et prophetis, quem per omnia illis esse consimilem D II 5,2. 14 in illo iustorum grege nulli secundus Ep. II, 8; nullius umquam cum illius viri meritis profiteor conferendam esse virtutem D. I, 24, 2 15 a nemine retulisti mortuum suscitatum D. I 24, 5; nemo illorum (eremitarum) mortibus imperavit D.II 5, 2 16 ut... potens et vere apostolicus haberetur V. M. 7, 7; imperat... potenti verbo (птицам) – eo... circa aves usus imperio, quo daemones fugare consueverat. Ep. III, 8; nec labore victum, nec morte vincendum Ep.III,14. Ср. видение Мартина Северу: vultu igneo, stellantibus oculis, crine purpureo Ep. II,3 19 sarcina molesta me... ducit in tartara. Spes tamen superest, illa sola, illa postrema, ut quid per nos obtinere non possumus, saltim pro nobis orante Martino mereamur.Ep. II, 18. 21 D I 20. Ср. рассказ о недостойном иноке Анатолии V. M. c. 23,3: signis quibusdam plerosque coartabat; об испанском лже-Христе (multis signis), ib. 24,1 25 И некоторые чудеса Мартина совершаются по молитве: imminens periculum oratione repulit c.6,6; cum aliquandiu orationi uncubuisset (при воскрешении мертвого); aliquantisper oravit (над мертвым) V. M. c. 8, 2) Cf. c. 14, 4; c. 16, 7: familiaria arma c. 22, 1; D. II, 4: notra praesidia, D, II, 5, nota subsidia D, III, 8, 7; D. III, 14, 4. Чудеса, совершаемые без молитвы: V. M. c. 12, 13,14, 1–2, c.15, c.17,18,19. Ep. III, 8; D. II, 2, 3; D. II, 8,7–9; D. II, 9, 1–3; D. III, 3, 3; D. III, 8, 2, Virtus III, 9, 3; D. III, 10. |
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