| La canela tenía que realizar una larga peregrinación. Desde su patria, que es la China, llegaba primero a Persia y desde allí a la India, donde tomaba carta de naturaleza, y, como artículo de exportación, era recibida en la Arabia. El incienso se obtiene de una planta llamada bosvelia. Es oriunda de la Arabia y de Somalilandia, como también la commiphora myrrha, el árbol de la mirra. La cuna del áloe es la isla de Socotora, a la salida del Mar Rojo, que también le dio el nombre, pues se designa con el de aloe succotrina. En cuanto a la procedencia del bálsamo, se han suscitado varias discusiones. Aquí la Biblia parece haber sufrido una equivocación, pues los botánicos saben muy bien que la hierba del bálsamo (commiphora opobalsamum) sólo crece en la Arabia. ¿Cómo podría, pues, afirmar Ezequiel (27:17) que Judea e Israel suministrasen a Tiro «perfumes, miel, aceite y bálsamo»? Tanto los botánicos como Ezequiel tenían razón. Los primeros se habían olvidado de leer en el gran libro histórico judío de Josefo que, desde los tiempos del rey Salomón, había bálsamo en Palestina. Los arbustos se cultivaban, sobre todo, en los alrededores de Jericó. Josefo contesta también a la pregunta de cómo llegaron hasta allí. Crecieron de las semillas que se encontraron entre los regalos de especias de la reina de Saba. Esto parece una afirmación atrevida. Pero, entre tanto, se han hallado otros testimonios. Cuando los romanos entraron en Palestina, encontraron, en efecto, plantaciones de bálsamo en la llanura de Jericó. Los conquistadores consideraron en tan alto grado este raro arbusto, que mandaron ramas de él a Roma, como señal de su victoria. Treinta años después de J.C., Tito Vespasiano puso una guardia imperial en las plantaciones, para preservarlas de cualquier destrucción. Mil años después, los cruzados ya no encontraron rastro alguno de tan valioso arbusto. Los turcos los habían descuidado y así se fueron extinguiendo. El lentisco, del que Ezequiel nos habla, existe aún hoy día en Palestina. Son las lágrimas blancoamarillentas y transparentes de un arbusto llamado pistacia lentiscus. Muy apreciadas por su aroma, se utilizan también en medicina. Los niños sacrifican la propina por un par de gotas de esta goma de mascar, que los antiguos alababan porque, según ellos, reforzaba los dientes y la garganta. |
| Michael Prokurat, Alexander Golitzin, Michael D. Peterson Скачать epub pdf ROME ROME. Capital of the Roman Empire and see of the popes (qq.v.), Rome and its mystique-Roma aeterna-have played practically as important a role in the Orthodox as in the Roman Catholic Church (q.v.). The ancient capital was, in a sense, the badge of legitimacy for Constantinople, “New Rome,” the capital of the East and of the Empire, which, until its demise in 1453, claimed to be the continuation of the polity begun by Augustus Caesar. The early Christian history of the city is worth noting in brief, not only for its intrinsic value and its influence on the East, but for the remarkably detailed list of its early bishops (Epiphanius, Haer. 27.6). After the burning of the city by Nero (A.D. 64) and the resulting martyrdom of Peter and Paul, the Church grew under Vespasian (69–79) and Titus (79–81 ) until the persecutions of Domitian (81–96) and Trajan (98–117). Ignatius of Antioch (q.v.) was martyred at Rome (ca. 110–117), along with at least one early bishop, Telephorus (ca. 126–136), Justin Martyr (q.v.), and Cecilia-the latter two under the severe persecutions of Marcus Aurelius (161–180). The first century and a half of Christianity in Rome was characterized by these persecutions, while the bishops were Greek-speaking and generally lesser known than contemporary Roman heretics Tatian, Valentinus, and Marcion. These heretics seem to have been criticized only by Rhodo, Pius, (possibly) Justin Martyr, and Hippolytus (q.v.) from the Roman Church. (It is significant that the Christian Apologists [q.v.] from this period, other than the aforementioned, were not Roman.) The earliest Roman bishops who actively appear on the historical record are Clement (ca. 88–97), who wrote an epistle to the Corinthians, which was included in some early lists of the canon of Scripture, Pius I (ca. 141–154), brother of the author of The Shepherd of Hermas and the bishop under whom Marcion was excommunicated, and Anicetus (ca. 155–166), who discussed the quartodeciman question with Polycarp of Smyrna (q.v.). Victor I (ca. 189) was the first Latin-speaking pope. |
| Lib. 5. cap. 13. сравн. Светония Vita Vespasiani cap. 4) 21 Палладий (in vita Chrysosotomi) пишет, что в Гермополе была еще от времени явления Иисуса Христа церковь : τν παροικαν ν απ τς Χριστον παρουσας εχεν Διοσκρου πλις. Гермополь называется градом Диоскора потому, что принадлежал к его епископии 25 Впрочем время открытия проповеди Иоанновой не столько уже представляло затруднений со стороны власти гражданской, для вступления в свое служение Иоанна и потом Иисуса, как то было во время Ирода Великого. Римские прокураторы обыкновенно были очень холодны ко всему, что касалось до религии Иудейской 34 Другие объяснения истории искушения Иисуса Христа: 1) все представлялось Иисусу только в видении – во сне или в бодрственном состоянии. 2) Все было дело Иудейского священника, который сперва хотел выведать от Иисуса, точно ли Он Мессия, а потом предложил Ему свои услуги под условием покорности Синедриону. 3) Эта притча, в которой Иисус изобразил свои мысли, которые Ему представлялись в то время, когда Он приготовлялся к своему служению: с одной стороны жизнь Богу преданная, посвященная своему святому призванию, но исполненная скорбей и страданий, а с другой жизнь чувственная, основание царства земного во вкусе Иудеев. Иисус первую избрал, последнее отверг. 4) Это притча нравоучительная, измышленная самим Иисусом для раскрытия ученикам их собственных обязанностей по отношению к Его царству; именно: а) не употреблять чудес для личных выгод, даже для удовлетворения собственной необходимости, но только на дело всей церкви; б) ничего не делать ради тщеславия, или ничего не предпринимать в уповании на помощь Божию, что может произойти и естественным порядком, и ни в каком случае не вступать в союз со злом, чтобы вышло добро. Прочие обстоятельства искушений только украшение притчи, обстановка идеи для большей ясности, образы, иногда поговорки. Сатана – образ мыслей о Мессии Иудейский, нечистый, чувственный. – Но против первого объяснения представляется: а) такое экстатическое состояние совершенно чуждо обыкновенному телосложению, в каком мы всегда находим в истории евангельской Иисуса; b) слова ν τ πνεματι ( Лук. 4:1 ) не дают права на то, чтобы всю историю искушений представлять как видение. |
| Его образ запомнили и сохранили те, кого озарила Его Божественная Личность, Его проповедь и дела. И свое видение они закрепили в слове, – это первое историческое свидетельство о Нем, овеянное всей живостью непосредственного личного общения. Это же видение они передавали в устной речи. Все первохристианство собирается вокруг живого исторического образа Иисуса из Назарета, Христа, Сына Божия. И согласным хором свидетельствует о Нем. Против этого свидетельства, восходящего к очевидцам и к живому общению, остается бессильным всякое сомнение, опирающееся только на предвзятую мысль о невозможности Богочеловека. 564 Древс (Drews) Артур (1865–1935) – немецкий философ, последователь Э. Гартмана, популяризатор так называемой «мифологической школы» в изучении истории религии (утверждавшей, что в основе всех религий лежат исторически сложившиеся мифы). 565 " Союз монистов« – основанное А. Древсом движение за «религию без Бога», за религиозность, направленную на безличное иррациональное начало бытия. 566 Гарнак (Харнак) (Harnack) Адольф ( 1851–1930) – немецкий протестантский богослов и церковный историк, автор фундаментальных трудов по истории раннего христианства, христианской литературы и истории догматов, которые он рассматривал как «создание греческого духа на почве Евангелия»; с 1888 г. профессор в Берлине, генеральный директор Прусской государственной библиотеки (1905–1921), президент Евангелическо-социального конгресса (1903–1912), с 1910 г. президент основанного по его инициативе Общества содействия науке императора Вильгельма (с 1948 г. – Общество Макса Планка). 567 Веспасиан (Vespasianus) (9–79) – римский император с 69 г., основатель династии Флавиев. Значительно шире, чем его предшественники, распространял на провинциалов права римского и латинского гражданства; участвовал в подавлении антиримского восстания в римской провинции Иудея (66–73). Римляне после 5-месячной осады, воспользовавшись междоусобной борьбой в Иудее, взяли и разрушили Иерусалим, в том числе, храм (70). |
| Turbulent Judaea is the very last place where we would expect any extraordinary concessions. Hence the evidence needs to be strong, where it is in fact weak. But one may expect to find some limited concession intended to lessen the difficulty of dealing with this very troublesome people. Juster gives a large part of his case away by the necessary admission that the procurator took the place of the kings. He has himself shown that Herod and his successors jealously kept the ordinary capital jurisdiction in their own hands. 113 The positive evidence cited by Juster to prove that the Romans allowed the Sanhedrin capital jurisdiction, including the power of execution, consists of the story of the execution of Stephen in Acts, and of James in Josephus’ Antiquities, and the rule about pagan trespassers inside the precinct of the Temple. 114 This last is very clearly a special case. A speech of Titus, Vespasian’s son, in Josephus, confirmed in part by a well-known inscription, proves that the Sanhedrin was allowed to execute violators of the Temple including, remarkably, Roman citizens. 115 But if the Sanhedrin had the general right to execute offenders against the religious law, this special concession would not have been necessary. At best it proves nothing about its ordinary jurisdiction over Jews, because the concession concerns police powers over ‘gentiles’, not over Jews. The remarkable clause about Roman citizens is known only from the somewhat rhetorical passage in Josephus – a speech of Titus, not part of the factual narrative. Josephus is quite capable of suppressing any limiting conditions in the matter. The purpose of the concession, as Mommsen noted, was to prevent unfortunate behaviour by the ‘drunken soldiery’ from precipitating a riot in the tender heart of Jewry. 116 There is no evidence here for a general capital jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin. The story of the execution of James in Josephus, as the text stands, explicitly disproves the thesis of Juster. It is represented as an action of the extremist element in the Sanhedrin, and as being ultra vires, undertaken in the interval between the retirement of the procurator Festus and the arrival of his successor Albinus. |
| Acompañado de su hijo Tito cae sobre Galilea al frente de tres legiones escogidas y numerosas tropas auxiliares del Norte. Las poblaciones situadas junto al lago Genesaret, donde pocos lustros antes Jesús predicaba a los pescadores, son testigos de la sangrienta lucha. A fines del mes de octubre del año 67 toda Galilea queda arrollada. Entre los prisioneros va también Josefo, el generalísimo. Lo encadenan y, a partir de aquel momento, desde el cuartel general de Vespasiano contempla, por orden de éste, todo el desarrollo de la campaña. Seis mil judíos son llevados como esclavos a Corinto para la construcción del canal. A principios del próximo año la derrota de los revoltosos de Judea sigue progresando. En medio de la lucha se recibe una noticia que, dé momento, se suspende: ¡Nerón se ha suicidado! En Roma estalla la guerra civil. Vespasiano espera el desarrollo de los acontecimientos. Uno después de otro, tres césares sin importancia pierden la soberanía y la vida. Finalmente, actúan las legiones de Oriente: un año después de la muerte de Nerón resuena en Egipto, en Siria, en Palestina, en todas partes del Occidente, el grito de: ¡Vivat Cæsar! Vespasiano se convierte en el señor del Imperio romano. Desde Cesárea, en la costa de Palestina, donde recibe la noticia, se traslada a Roma, dejando a su hijo Tito el desarrollo del último acto de la guerra contra los judíos. Poco antes de la luna llena de la primavera del año 70, Tito, con formidables fuerzas, se halla ante Jerusalén. Por todos los caminos y sendas avanzan tantas columnas en dirección a la ciudad como jamás las había visto Judea. Consistían en las legiones 5. a , 10. a , 12. a y 15. a , acompañadas de fuerzas de caballería, de exploradores y de otras fuerzas auxiliares, formando un total de casi 80.000 hombres. La Ciudad Santa está llena de gente: peregrinos de cerca y de lejos acuden a ella para celebrar la fiesta de Pascua. Se promueven discusiones entre los elementos extremistas de los «celotes» y los moderados en las reuniones sagradas y se ocasionan muertos y heridos. |
| The envoys from Umbria retreated, recalling the time at the beginning of the Christian era when the Emperor was called “savior” and “god.” The work of the First Ecumenical Council likewise came to an end, having proclaimed the Son’s Divinity equal with that of the Father… Time passed. Flavius Julius Crispus The year 326 arrived. The twentieth anniversary of Constantine’s rule, which had coincided with the First Ecumenical Council, was behind him. At the aged Emperor’s side was his young, energetic, talented son Crispus. Victorious general, admiral, and Consul that he was, bearing a strong resemblance to his father in both appearance and spiritual qualities, he was his father’s favorite and heir. So everyone thought, until Crispus was brought to trial before his father on charges of conspiring to seize the emperor’s throne. Who knows what kind of storm was underway in the Emperor Constantine’s soul? After all, this is not simply a matter of forgiving an attempt on his personal power and paternal feelings. No, we are dealing with Romans, with their notions and honor, with the good of the country. Could it really be, Crispus my beloved son, that you have decided to overturn everything that we built together? Are you really no better than the Empire’s enemies, than Licinius and Maxentius? Are you, too, ready to place your own ambitions above that of the “Pax Romana”? Do you want to plunge the commonwealth into the abyss of civil war? O Crispus, my son! You, who was born in Nicomedia, where your father was a hostage to Diocletian! Do you really not deserve the name of Roman? Crispus, as noble and stubborn as his father, maintained his silence. He remained silent even when being led away to execution. “How difficult it is for you, Constantine,” cooed his second wife, Fausta. “You’ve lost a son who was unworthy of you. But don’t be sad: you still have three sons. My sons.” The terrible truth flashed like lightning through the aged Emperor’s mind. He was sent reeling – like the Emperor Vespasian once had, dying of a heart attack during a meeting of the Senate. The senators and physicians had run to Vespasian, imploring him to sit down. “No,” he replied, “an Emperor should die on his feet.” He looked at his son, the military commander Titus, and said: “Alas, it seems that I have become a god.” |
| He was a man nearing the evening of life, with a head whitened by hoar frost, but fresh, with an energetic face, a trifle too short, but still somewhat eagle-like. This time there was expressed on it a certain astonishment, and even alarm, because of the unexpected arrival of Nero’s friend, companion, and suggester. Petronius was too much a man of the world and too quick not to notice this; hence, after the first greetings, he announced with all the eloquence and ease at his command that he had come to give thanks for the care which his sister’s son had found in that house, and that gratitude alone was the cause of the visit, to which, moreover, he was emboldened by his old acquaintance with Aulus. Aulus assured him that he was a welcome guest; and as to gratitude, he declared that he had that feeling himself, though surely Petronius did not divine the cause of it. In fact, Petronius did not divine it. In vain did he raise his hazel eyes, endeavoring to remember the least service rendered to Aulus or to any one. He recalled none, unless it might be that which he intended to show Vinicius. Some such thing, it is true, might have happened involuntarily, but only involuntarily. “I have great love and esteem for Vespasian, whose life thou didst save,” said Aulus, “when he had the misfortune to doze while listening to Nero’s verses.” “He was fortunate,” replied Petronius, “for he did not hear them; but I will not deny that the matter might have ended with misfortune. Bronzebeard wished absolutely to send a centurion to him with the friendly advice to open his veins.” “But thou, Petronius, laughed him out of it.” “That is true, or rather it is not true. I told Nero that if Orpheus put wild beasts to sleep with song, his triumph was equal, since he had put Vespasian to sleep. Ahenobarbus may be blamed on condition that to a small criticism a great flattery be added. Our gracious Augusta, Poppae, understands this to perfection.” “Alas! such are the times,” answered Aulus. “I lack two front teeth, knocked out by a stone from the hand of a Briton, I speak with a hiss; still my happiest days were passed in Britain.” |
| Then, from the seventy years» captivity, and the restoration of the people into their own land to the captivity in the time of Vespasian, are comprised four hundred and ten years. Finally, from Vespasian to the death of Commodus, there are ascertained to be one hundred and twenty-one years, six months, and twenty-four days. Demetrius, in his book, On the Kings in Judæa, says that the tribes of Juda, Benjamin, and Levi were not taken captive by Sennacherim; but that there were from this captivity to the last, which Nebuchadnezzar made out of Jerusalem, a hundred and twenty-eight years and six months; and from the time that the ten tribes were carried captive from Samaria till Ptolemy the Fourth, were five hundred and seventy-three years, nine months; and from the time that the captivity from Jerusalem took place, three hundred and thirty-eight years and three months. Philo himself set down the kings differently from Demetrius. Besides, Eupolemus, in a similar work, says that all the years from Adam to the fifth year of Ptolemy Demetrius, who reigned twelve years in Egypt, when added, amount to five thousand a hundred and forty-nine; and from the time that Moses brought out the Jews from Egypt to the above-mentioned date, there are, in all, two thousand five hundred and eighty years. And from this time till the consulship in Rome of Caius Domitian and Casian, a hundred and twenty years are computed. Euphorus and many other historians say that there are seventy-five nations and tongues, in consequence of hearing the statement made by Moses: All the souls that sprang from Jacob, which went down into Egypt, were seventy-five. According to the true reckoning, there appear to be seventy-two generic dialects, as our Scriptures hand down. The rest of the vulgar tongues are formed by the blending of two, or three, or more dialects. A dialect is a mode of speech which exhibits a character peculiar to a locality, or a mode of speech which exhibits a character peculiar or common to a race. |
| And they say that it was the fifteenth year of Tiberius Cæsar, the fifteenth day of the month Tubi; and some that it was the eleventh of the same month. And treating of His passion, with very great accuracy, some say that it took place in the sixteenth year of Tiberius, on the twenty-fifth of Phamenoth; and others the twenty-fifth of Pharmuthi and others say that on the nineteenth of Pharmuthi the Saviour suffered. Further, others say that He was born on the twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth of Pharmuthi. We have still to add to our chronology the following – I mean the days which Daniel indicates from the desolation of Jerusalem, the seven years and seven months of the reign of Vespasian. For the two years are added to the seventeen months and eighteen days of Otho, and Galba, and Vitellius; and the result is three years and six months, which is the half of the week, as Daniel the prophet said. For he said that there were two thousand three hundred days from the time that the abomination of Nero stood in the holy city, till its destruction. For thus the declaration, which is subjoined, shows: How long shall be the vision, the sacrifice taken away, the abomination of desolation, which is given, and the power and the holy place shall be trodden under foot? And he said to him, Till the evening and morning, two thousand three hundred days, and the holy place shall be taken away. Daniel 8:13–14 These two thousand three hundred days, then, make six years four months, during the half of which Nero held sway, and it was half a week; and for a half, Vespasian with Otho, Galba, and Vitellius reigned. And on this account Daniel says, Blessed is he that comes to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days. Daniel 12:12 For up to these days was war, and after them it ceased. And this number is demonstrated from a subsequent chapter, which is as follows: And from the time of the change of continuation, and of the giving of the abomination of desolation, there shall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days. Blessed is he that waits, and comes to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days. Daniel 12:11–12 |
|
|
