What Else Causes Blood Clots Sinus thrombosis of the dura mater (the full name of the revealed pathology) is a long-known, albeit rare disorder. According to the calculations of specialists from the Paul Ehrlich Institute, in the absence of external factors during the period of vaccination with the drug from AstraZeneca one case should have been identified in the population, on average. In other words, this pathology was observed seven times more often than usual, which prompted scientists to suspect a connection with vaccination. Even so, sinus thrombosis of the dura mater remains an extremely unlikely event: more than 1.6 million people have received the AstraZeneca vaccine in Germany. The reasons why some people – by the way, mostly young ones – form blood clots in the vessels that drain blood from the brain are unclear. It is believed that a combination of several risk factors leads to this: a tendency to form thrombosis, including genetically determined ones, female gender, recent childbirth, taking hormonal drugs, some infections, or head injuries. Indirectly, the assumption of an individual predisposition to the development of this complication – whatever its cause – reinforces the fact that six out of seven patients were relatively young women (age 20 to 50). The seventh patient was a man and his symptoms were slightly different. Although, of course, it is impossible to draw statistically reliable conclusions on such a small sample. Other European countries, which suspended vaccination with the AstraZeneca vaccine until all the circumstances were clarified, did not specify which thrombotic pathologies aroused suspicions among specialists. Interestingly, thrombocytopenia of an unclear nature was also observed in the United States, where people are inoculated with mRNA vaccines. There, too, we are talking about isolated cases for tens of millions of injected doses. In general, a drop in the number of platelets as an extremely rare complication after vaccination has been known for a long time – it is characteristic of vaccination against measles-mumps-rubella, but the frequency of this pathology cannot be compared with the frequency of thrombocytopenias developing as a consequence of these infections themselves.

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Гозий высоко отозвался о сочинении, выразив, однако, опасение, что некоторые высказывания Скарги могут оскорбить русинов 1109 . Из этого еще раз хорошо видно, что в вопросах унии Скарга продолжил линию именно Гозия, а не Ожеховского, о чем пойдет речь в заключительной части книги. Промежуточные выводы Рассмотрев данные о том, как уния понималась католиками в эпоху Брестской унии, мы приходим к троякому заключению. Во-первых, уния мыслилась не как союз двух церквей, тем более не как их равноправное объединение в рамках общего церковного организма, а как практически безоговорочная инкорпорация православной церкви в церковь римскую. Соответственно уния осмысливалась в категориях централизации, унификации, полного подчинения Риму и принятия всех особенностей католического вероисповедания. Во-вторых, и концепция, и сами категории мышления об унии католической стороны оказываются иными, чем представления и категории мышления православных. Вместе с тем видно, что ни те, ни другие не осознавали в конце XVI в., насколько глубоки различия двух конфессий и стоящих за ними традиций. В-третьих, католические представления об унии не могли быть иными, потому что они отвечали самым глубинным и принципиальным особенностям католической традиции – особенностям специфически католического религиозного менталитета. 901 Левицкий О. Кирилл Терлецкий, епископ Луцкий и Острожский//Памятники русской старины в западных губерниях. Т. VIII. СПб., 1885. С. 308–341; Левицкий О. Южнорусские архиереи в XVI–XVII вв.//Киевская старина. 1882. С. 57–100; См. также: Коялович 1859. Т. 1. С. 62–64, 77–83. Ср. отзывы О. Халецкого о Терлецком: «versatile and dynamic Terlecki», «optimistic Terlecki» (Halecki 1968. P. 279, 280). 903 Левицкий О. Кирилл Терлецкий. С. 325. О. Халецкий проигнорировал собранный О. Левицким материал (ср.: «It is easy to point out that this clever and energetic man was not free from personal ambitions, but morally and intellectually he was much superior to the average members of the contemporary Ruthenian hierarchy» (Halecki 1968. P. 236). Решение Терлецкого начать переговоры об унии О. Халецкий считает продуманным, взвешенным и ответственным: «in any case, a man like Terlecki must have made his momentous decision of that year in full consciousness of his responsibility»; и поскольку Терлецкий оставался верен принятому решению, несмотря на все препятствия, «it is only fair to consider it as expression of serious religious conviction» (Halecki 1968. P. 237).

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  We finally arrived in the small town of Kayanga located in the district of Karagwe in the northwestern tip of Tanzania, which was to be our temporary home. Karagwe is near the scenic southwestern shore of Lake Victoria. Our task was twofold: first, to teach courses on Orthodox faith and theology to one hundred students of various ages at a special seminar organized by the local Metropolitan, Jeronymos of Mwanza; and secondly, to be ‘eambassadors of good will’ to the people of Tanzania as we travelled with the Metropolitan to various communities throughout his diocese.   Under the inspired leadership of Metropolitan Jeronymos, this particular region of Tanzania is experiencing an incredible thirty percent annual growth rate, with a new seminary, churches, clinics and schools. Metropolitan Jeronymos was born in Uganda and educated in Athens and is fluent in both Greek and English. It was a great honor to work with this man and his devoted staff in such a unique and blessed ministry.   Our teaching mission was only one segment of the longer seminars organized by the Metropolitan, where he gathers selected young people, and future leaders and teachers from various villages of his diocese. Nurses, educators, tradesmen and other professionals are invited to provide workshops on agriculture, construction, economics, health and hygiene. The students return home and pass their newly acquired knowledge and skills to their fellow villagers, improving the overall quality of life in their village.   The poverty we encountered was incredible. Tanzania is one of the poorest places on earth. Many homes in the rural areas are constructed out of mud-bricks and bamboo sticks. The average life expectancy for Tanzanians is only around fifty years. Many suffer from malaria and yellow fever, and in many areas there is no clean water or adequate sanitation.   Despite such extreme poverty, the people were still so joyful and dignified. Most memorable were the smiling faces and joyful voices of the young children who would often flock around us wherever we went, with wide smiles spread across their eager- eyed faces shouting ‘Mzungu!’, ‘Mzungu!’, which means ‘White-man’ in Swahili.

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He also hoped that Westerners would not “forget our brothers and sisters whose faith is, quite literally, under fire; not to forget the unimaginable barbarity”. “He’s very conversant with the issues,” John Pontifex says. “We’ve been very impressed by his knowledge. He has a great deal of understanding. He’s aware of the sensitive issues between the different communions. His understanding is far greater than the average person might expect.” He adds: “In a world marked by religious illiteracy and which lacks confidence in talking about religion, here is a figure who does get it, and the role Christianity plays as a bridge-builder. He’s hastened the day when you can truly say we have woken up to the reality of the situation.” Charles is a deeply religious man. When he ascends to the throne he will be arguably England’s most theologically literate monarch since the union. While his faith is not straight-down-the-line Anglicanism, it isn’t as esoteric or wacky as the press has long made out. Born to be supreme governor of the Church of England, Charles was baptised in the Music Room at Buckingham Palace 30 days after his birth by the then Archbishop of Canterbury, Geoffrey Fisher. At university in Cambridge he corresponded with the Anglican Bishop of Southwark, Mervyn Stockwood, a leading liberal who spoke of “the Saviour’s oneness with nature” and encouraged clergy to wear jeans in public. Later Charles was influenced by the mysticism of his great mentor, the South African writer Laurens van der Post, who encouraged the Prince “to see the old world of the spirit”. The Prince’s formative years gave him awide-ranging interest in religions and what unites them. Cardinal Vincent Nichols has said that Prince Charles seems “thoroughly at home” in Westminster Cathedral and that “when he is abroad he happily goes to Mass, and is at peace with that”. Charles is also fascinated by Judaism and, especially, Islam. He believes that “the future surely lies in rediscovering the universal truths that dwell at the heart of [Abrahamic] religions”.

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5982 E.g., Lev. Rab. 22:6, although this is late; Musonius Rufus frg. 45, p. 140.1 (πειρζων), 8–9 (δοκιμαστριω); cf. other forms of testing in Iamblichus V.P. 5.23–24; 17.71; and sources in Keener, Matthew, 476. 5984 Andrew and Philip appear together not only here (6:5–9) but also in 1:40–44 and 12:21–22. Their geographical origin (1:44) and perhaps kinship would have connected them, but greater precision on the matter is no longer possible. 5985 Estimates vary. If Frier, «Annuities,» is correct, the average per capita income in the early empire was about 380 sestertii, which translates (cf. Perkin, «Money,» 407) into roughly a quarter denarius per day. 5986 Tob 5:14; White, «Finances,» 232; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 79; Lachs, Commentary, 334; Perkin, «Money,» 406. 5987 One report from impoverished rural Egypt indicates that pay totaled «two loaves of bread a day, i.e., roughly half a kilogram per person» (Lewis, Life, 69); cf. Plutarch Love of Wealth 2, Mor. 523F. 5988 John refers to the number of νδρες, men (cf. Matt 14:21). Often men alone were counted (e.g., L.A.B. 5:7; 14:4), hence John " s tradition does not report the number of women and children (and unlike perhaps Josephus, some ancient writers were disinclined to invent numbers, recognizing also the tendency of some oral sources to inflate them; Thucydides 5.68.2). Thus we cannot estimate how many would have followed into the wilderness. 5989 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 24.5.1–2 allegorized the five loaves as the five books of Torah (on bread as Torah, see comment on 6:32–51; but to be consistent, he also allegorized the two fish as the priest and king). 5990 Lads occasionally elsewhere served as protagonists; cf., e.g., T. So1. passim (e.g., 22:12–14); the story line in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 18:5. Although they represent distinct pericopes, John " s dependence on 2 Kgs 4:42–44 suggests to some that he derives the «lad» (παιδριον) from 2 Kgs 4:38,41 LXX. 5991 As in the story of two disciples who shared their food with an old man in p. Šabb. 6:9, §3; or the man who shared his cart with vestal virgins in Valerius Maximus 1.1.10.

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2. 9. Выводы 4. 3. Представления о материи в сочинениях свт. Григория Богослова 4. 3. 1. Обзор литературы 4. 3. 2. Учение о воскресении и об обожении плоти 4. 3. 3. Онтологический статус материи, телесности и плоти 4. 3. 4. Грехопадение Адама как нарушение меры и порядка созерцания 4. 3. 5. Терминология обновления творения 4. 3. 6. Евхаристический реализм 4. 3. 7. Выводы 4. 4. Представления о материи в сочинениях свт. Григория Нисского 4. 4. 1. Обзор литературы 4. 4. 2. Свт. Григорий и его философское знание 4. 4. 3. Творец и творение – различие природ 4. 4. 4. Разнообразие и гармония материального мира 4. 4. 5. Апофатика в богословии материального мира 4. 4. 6. Отрицательные характеристики вещества 4. 4. 7. Антропология свт. Григория 4. 4. 8. Происхождение зла и его действие в природе человека 4. 4. 9. Древо познания и кожаные ризы 4. 4. 10. Восстановление первичной гармонии 4. 4. 11. Изменения природных стихий в природе 4. 4. 12. Анализ контекстов употребления глаголов «μεταποιω» и «λλοιω» и их производных 4. 4. 13. Анализ употребления глагола «μεταστοιχειω» и его производных 4. 4. 14. Анализ терминологии, использованной для описания воскресших тел 4. 4. 15. Выводы 4. 5. Представления о материи в сочинениях свт. Кирилла Александрийского 4. 5. 1. Обзор литературы 4. 5. 2. Творец и творение 4. 5. 3. Учение о космосе и его частях 4. 5. 4. Анализ употребления термина «λη» 4. 5. 5. Учение о материальной природе человека до и после грехопадения 4. 5. 6. Учение свт. Кирилла о животворящем Теле Христа 4. 5. 7. Евхаристический реализм свт. Кирилла 4. 5. 8. Терминология обновления свт. Кирилла 4. 5. 9. Выводы Глава 5. Представления о материи в ареопагитском корпусе и у преп. Максима Исповедника 5. 1. Сакраментально-антропологический аспект учения о материи в Ареопагитиках 5. 1. 1. Краткий обзор литературы 5. 1. 2. Общие определения и свойства материи, согласно Ареопагитикам 5. 1. 3. Негативные свойства материи 5. 1. 4. Антропологические (нравственно-аскетические) аспекты 5.

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After the expulsion of St. Eustatius, the See of Antioch passed over to the Arians for long. The extreme Nicaeans who started to call them Eustathians after the exiled Orthodox bishop had no church buildings in Antioch. The Council of Seleucia in 359 deposed Eudoxius, an extreme Arian, who soon managed to obtain the See of Constantinople. The See of Antioch became vacant, and St. Meletius occupied it. Almost all available sources make it clear that St. Meletius was installed at the See of Antioch by favour of Acacius of Caesarea, while most ancient writers are unanimous in saying that Meletius did not meet expectations of the Homoeans. When Meletius arrived in Antioch, he publicly “exhibited the unbending line of the canon of the faith” (Book II, ch. 27) St. Epiphanius also writes that the Acacius’s party was disappointed: “When Meletius was consecrated by Acacius’s own friends, they thought he shared their opinion. But as many report on him, he turned out not to” (Panarion, 73, 28) The first available document on Meletius’ theological position dates back to 360. This is his sermon on the verse from the Proverbs “The Lord created me in the beginning of his work, the first of his acts of old” (8,22). According to Theodoret, the election of a new bishop took place in Antioch in the presence of Emperor Constantius who ordered all candidates to expound the text This decision was not fortuitous, as it was the basis of the Arians’ teaching. Theological position of each candidate could be easily discerned in their interpretations. Relying on Theodoret’s testimony, some researchers believe that a theological dispute had been held in Antioch on the results of which the decision on a new bishop was taken Yet, other sources do not link Meletius’ sermon to election procedure. For instance, St. Epiphanius wrote that it had been Meletius’ first sermon at Antioch after his installation (Panarion, 73, 28) Thanks to St. Epiphanius, this text has come down to us (Panarion, 73, 29-33) As the sermon implies, St. Meletius was extremely cautious expounding the doctrine of the Son of God. He avoided the word “consubstantial,” preferring biblical terms. St. Epiphanius viewed this sermon favourably (Panarion, 73, 35)

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8. Можно предполагать, что «Георгий» было мирское имя пр. Симеона. Имя Симеон было ему дано при монашеском пострижении в честь духовного отца, Симеона Благоговейного. 9. Euch 1.72–78. 10. Euch 2.6–35. 11. Cat 22.22–27. 12. Euch 1.78–80. 13. Euch 1.80–86. 14. Симеон Благоговейный ( Ευλαβς), родился около 917–го года, монах Студийского монастыря начиная с 942–го года, умер около 986–987 г. в возрасте приблизительно семидесяти лет. См.: Catecheses t. 1, pp. 313–315 прим. 4. 15. Cat 22.28–38 16. Cat 22.41–43. 17. Cat 22.66–67 18. Cat 22.56–58. 19. Cat 22.70–73 20. Cat 22.74–81 21. Cat 22.88–104 22. Cat 22.275–295. 23. Euch 2.41–46 " cf. Euch 1.114–117. 24. Hymn 20.126–139. 25. Cat 22.299–308. 26. Euch 2.47–73 27. Proem 44–47 28. Hymn 56.4–17 29. Vie 30.3–5 30. Cat 22.312–320 31. Euch 2.77–98. 32. Euch 2.102–117. 33. Euch 2.126–185. 34. Euch 1.156–161. 35. Euch 2.225–233. 36. Euch 2.268–272 37. Cat 34.22–25 38. Cat 34.36–57. 39. Cat 34.68–70. 40. Vie 30.3–15. 41. Vie 34.2–4. 42. Vie 34.4–6. 43. Vie 34.12–22. 44. Cat 1.16–37. 45. Cat 1.171–177. 46. Cat 1.182–184 47. Cat 9.397–398. 48. Cat 3.303–306; Cat 2.376–384. 49. Cat 12.212–223. 50. Cat 26.109–113; 42–43 51. Cat 4.547–562; Cat 14.198–201; Cat 26.308–312. 52. Cat 30.221–227. 53. Hymn 2.51–69. 54. Hymn 14.75–95. 55. Hymn 14.109–112. 56. Cat 6.358–368. 57. Cat 2.421–424. 58. Гипотеза о «мессалианском», или «полу–мессалианском», или «умеренно–мессалианском» характере «Духовных Бесед» отстаивалась некоторыми учеными XX века и отвергалась другими. Не желая входить в подробное рассмотрение этого вопроса, как не имеющего прямого отношения к предмету нашей работы, скажем только, что, по нашему мнению, «Духовные Беседы» и другие творения, приписываемые пр. Макарию Египетскому, но написанные, вероятно, в Сирии в конце IV–haчaлe V века, представляют сплошной поток древней монашеской мистической духовности, совершенно православной в своих истоках, но частично уклонившейся в историческом развитии и ставшей тем, что часто называют «радикальным» или «народным» мессалианством.

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Не упомянуто о повреждении стен и при описи монастыря в 1621 году, когда «сказали игумен Саватей и старцы соборные в прошлом де во 110 году при игумене Иосафе после переписных книг в той церкви образы горели» (Рукоп. Кирил. библ. 74/1318, л. 149).– 556 Именно: «местных окладных 22 образа, пядниц окладных 92 образа, да на золоте и на красках 119 образов пядниц, у местных образов и у деисуса в прикладех 4-ре кресты золоты, 2 иконы да панагея золоты, да 20 крестов серебряных и синалойных и аспидных обложены серебром, 13 икон обложены серебром, 2 панагеи серебряны, 4-ры складни писмяны и резные, 10 пелен з дробницами саженых и шитых золотом и серебром, 24-ре пелены бархатных и отласных и камчатых и тафтяных, 5 пелен сатынных и выбойчатых и крашенниных» (Рукоп. Кирил. библ. 74–1313, л. 602 об.–603 об.). 561 Рукоп. Кир. библ. 71–1310, л. 90 об.; Рукоп. Кир. библ. 73–1312, л. 188 об.–191. – Описание этого образа, находящегося ныне во Введенской церкви, см. в стате архим. Варлаама, Описание ист. арх. стр., 14–15. 577 Рукоп. Кир. библ. 73–1312, л. 201–204 об. – Эта замена была сделана еще до сентября 1611 года (при игумене Матфее?), когда образ Пречистой Богородицы «Хабарова поставленья» находился уже в церкви св. Кирилла (в сентябре 7120 года «в чюдотворцове храму у образа Пречистые Богородицы, что Хабарова составления, взяты 2 камени достаканы зелены». – Рукоп. Кир. мон. 93–693, л. 10 об.). 579 Рукоп. Кир. библ. 73–1312, И. 206 об.–212 об. – Подробное описание образа Пресв. Богородицы см. в статье архим. Варлаама, о. с., стр. 22. 580 Рукоп. Кир. библ. 71–1310, л. 117 об.–119; Рукоп. Кир. библ. 73–1312, л. 216 об.–217. – По словам описи 1621 года, на пятом образе были писаны: св. Антоний, Пахомий и Онуфрий великие. 593 Приспособления для освещения церкви св. Кирилла в 1601 году состояли иа четырех паникадил и из семи писанных красками поставных свеч. У последних насвечники были медные, золоченые, а подсвечники – глиняные, старяцкие («мураном зелены»). В алтаре перед запрестольною Пречистою находилась свеча поставная, невеликая, писаная красками. По словам старцев Елевферия Братцова и Пахомия Григорова, в тех свечах воск был монастырский, «а переделывал Леванид из старых свеч». В 1621 году перед гробницею чудотворца Кирилла теплилась лампада серебреная, в которой горела неугасимая свеча (на железном стоянце). Это – был вклад Димитрия Годунова. Перед налоями стояли два подсвечника деревянных золоченых (Рукоп. Кир. библ. 71–1310, л. 146 об.–147; Рукоп. Кир. библ. 73–1312, л. 246 и об.).

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6967 See Brown, John, 1:360, citing also Ps 90:2 . 6968 Dodd, Interpretation, 95; Freed, «Samaritans Converts,» 252. 6969 See evidence in Odeberg, Gospel, 308–10. 6970 See Harner, I Am, 15–17; Bell, I Am, 195–98 (who sees it also in 8:18,24,28, on pp. 185–94). 6971 Stauffer, Jesus, 176–78; Harner, I Am, 57; Bauckham, God Crucified, 55. For a summary of views, see Kysar, Evangelist, 119–20; for a thorough collection of Jewish sources, see Williams, I Am He (unfortunately too recent for me to treat as fully as it deserves). 6972 See m. Sukkah 4:5; b. Sukkah 45a; 53a, bar. (also Hillel in m. " Abot 1:14, but not clearly at Sukkoth); Marmorstein, Names, 73. Sanders, Judaism, 143,180, says that the divine name was mentioned on the Day of Atonement. 6973 Dodd, Interpretation, 94, 350; Stauffer, Jesus, 91, 179; Harner, I Am, 18, 61; Davies, Land, 295. That Scripture proclaimed God " s character at the festivals (Stauffer, Jesus, 174) may also prove relevant here. 6974 If the Tetragrammaton was uttered with its vowels by priests in the temple (Hayward, Name, 99; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2), this may have been more widely known (cf. Acts 19:13–14). Normally, however, it was forbidden (Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sir 23:9–10 ; 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Sent. Sext. 28; cf. the special writing of the Tetragrammaton at Qumran noted in Siegel, «Characters»). 6975 Thus many doubt that the claim stems from Jesus in these particular words (Harner, J Am, 65). 6976 Motyer, Father the Devil, 209; Blomberg, Reliability, 149, 162, suggesting that Jesus merely claims to bear the divine name like some exalted angels or humans. These examples, while real, come from mystical fringes and would not likely have come to the minds of the average hearer of Jesus even in the story world. 6977 Reim, Studien, 260–61. 6978 Stauffer, Jesus, 124, finds Ani Hu from Isa 43 in Mark 14:62 , but that text does not support his claim (cf. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 55). 6979 See Keener, Matthew, 66–67,130–31,346–48; Witherington, Christology, 221–28; see our introduction, ch. 7, on Johannine Christology.

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