6641 For attestation of the figure in the Jesus tradition, cf. Luke 2:32; applied differently, Matt 5:14. «Light of the world» also appears in pagan texts, not surprisingly in an invocation to Helios the spirit, power, and life of the world (Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225). 6642 Comfort, «Pericope.» 6643 See Hanson, Gospel, 116, noting that John employs Zech 14in John 7:38 . 6644         E.g., Westcott, John, 123; Glasson, Moses, 60; Dodd, Interpretation, 349; Brown, John, 1:343–44; Longenecker, Exegesis, 153; Yee, Feasts, 80. Philo also associated the festival with light (Bernard, John, 2:291). 6645 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.118; m. Sukkah 5:3–4; h. Sukkah 52b-53a (a Tanna); see also Safrai, «Temple,» 895. Glasson, Moses, 60–61, less convincingly finds an allusion in Zech 14:6–7, the Tabernacles lection (see comment on 7:38). Although Hanukkah ( John 10:22 ) is «the feast of lights» (Josephus Ant. 12.325), John only makes the association with the biblical festival of Sukkoth. 6646 Noted here by, e.g., Hunter, John, 86; Longenecker, Exegesis, 154; some may have expected its eschatological restoration (Glasson, Moses, 64). The older ritual may have revered God as the creator of light (Urbach, Sages, 1:60). 6647 Scripture ( Ps 105:39–41 ; Neh 9:12, 15) and subsequent Jewish tradition connected these various symbols of wilderness sojourn (Glasson, Moses, 62–63; see comment on 7:38). 6648 See Prov 4:19 ; cf. also, e.g., Gen. Rab. 60:1. 6649 E.g., 1QS 3.21; 4.11 (the way of those outside the community); a hymn in 1QS 11.10 ( ); Pesiq. Rab. 8:5; see also Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. 6650 E.g., Job 33:30 ; Ps 56:13 ; cf. Job 3:16; 18:18 ; Ps 38:10; 36:9; 49:19 ; Prov 29:13 ; Eccl 12:2 . 6651 Cf. 1QS 3.7 ( ); see also Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414; Coetzee, «Life,» 64. 6652 Odeberg, Gospel 286–87. Charlier, «L " exégèse,» thinks Jesus claims deity here. 6653 E.g., Isocrates Nie. 46–47, Or. 3.36; Plutarch Praising 15, Mor. 544D; see further references under the introductory comment on John 5:31–47 .

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3456 Most commentators take the Revelation reference more literally than meaning inadequate Christology, however (e.g., Bowman, Revelation, 31). For banquets associated with the imperial cult, cf., e.g., CIL 3.550 (Sherk, Empire, §125, p. 165). 3457 Caird, Revelation, 39, noting that Jezebel " s «harlotry» in the OT (2 Kgs 9:22) was only figurative; cf. 4QpNah. 3.4; perhaps Wis 14:12. It could refer to literal cultic or other prostitution, as at Baal-peor (Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 86–87), although this is not attested in conjunction with the imperial cult; both readings (spiritual or physical fornication) seem contextually possible (Meeks, Moral World, 146). 3458 Also Hooker, «Baptist,» 358; Boice, Witness and Revelation, 26; Wink, lohn, 105; Collins, Written, 8–11. 3462 Kraeling, John, 51–52. While historically Johns «eschatological «radicalisation»» lent itself to political misinterpretation (Hengel, Leader, 36), neither political nor moral proclamation characterizes the Fourth Gospel " s Baptist. 3463 Meier, «John,» 234. For the passagés authenticity, see also Feldman, «Methods and Tendencies,» 591. 3465 See 1:7–8,15,19, 34; 2:25; 3:11, 26, 28, 32–33; 4:39,44; 5:31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39; 7:7; 8:13, 14, 17, 18; 10:25; 12:17; 13:21; 15:26–27; 18:23, 37; 19:35; 20:24. Painter, John, 8, counts forty-seven uses in John and only six in the Synoptics, «4 of which refer to the false witnesses at the trial of Jesus» (cf. further ibid., 90); even if John emphasizes separation from the hostile world more than the Synoptics (Goppelt, «Church in History,» 196–97), he seeks to prevent the flow of influence in only one direction. 3467 E.g., Plutarch Apoll 14, Mor. 108E («το θεον also testifies to this»); Oracles at Delphi 22, Mor. 405A (Homer testifies); Nicias 6.3 («events πεμαρτρει to his wisdom,» LCL 3:226–27); Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.4. Aristotle supposed ancient witnesses the most reliable because they could not be corrupted (Rhet. 1.15.13,1375b; 1.15.17). Trites, Witness, 4–15, shows that they were used in both legal and nonlegal (e.g., historiographie) contexts to establish data.

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Craig S. Keener 7. Christology and Other Theology OF ALL THE DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS of Johannine theology in the discourses, the most frequently noted is his Christology. 2413 As scholars regularly observe, Christology is central to this Gospe1. 2414 Prologues normally set the stage for major themes in the works that followed them, and John s prologue does not disappoint, framed by affirmations of Jesus» deity and relationship with the Father (1:1, 18). Most of the prologue addresses Jesus» identity (1:1–5,9,14,16–18) and the responses of various groups (the world, Israel, and the disciples, 1:10–13); it also offers a model for bold witness about Jesus» identity (1:6–8,15). The rest of the Gospel illustrates these responses to Jesus, especially to his signs (e.g., 1:49; 2:11, 23; 3:2; 4:19; 5:16–18; 6:30, 67–69; 7:30; 8:59; 9:16; 10:19–21; 11:45–46; 20:31), which function as the primary summons to recognize his identity (20:30–31; cf. 14:10–11). 2415 That Jesus was rejected by the world just as they were would be relevant for marginalized Johannine Christians, 2416 and the story of divine Wisdom " s rejection provided a fitting backdrop for the experience of Jesus known to the community. 2417 The Gospel " s radical Christology enabled the Johannine Christians «to undertake their radical commitment to God in the face of dire risk.» 2418 As in other biographies, including the other gospels, the Fourth Gospel focuses on one central figure; over half the verbs in John have Jesus as their subject or are uttered by him. 2419 Unlike most biographies, which express the freedom to critique their heroes» shortcomings (e.g., Arrian Alex. 4.7.4; 4.8.1–4.9.6) and mix some measure of praise and blame (e.g., Cornelius Nepos 11 [Iphicrates], 3.2), John will nowhere critique or imply any shortcomings in Jesus. A discussion of the genre and discourses of the Fourth Gospel, undertaken at the beginning of this introduction, invites particular exploration of John " s Christology vis-à-vis that of the earliest Jesus tradition. Granted that John has represented Jesus in Johannine idiom and for his distinctive purposes, does he accurately reflect and interpret some prior tradition here, or does he simply create new material?

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9328 E.g., Michaels, John, 271–72; Witherington, Wisdom, 266; Titus, Message, 204; Bernard, John, 2:513. 9330 Plutarch Lect. 11, Mor. 43BC; Aulus Gellius 1.26.2; 12.5.4; 20.10.1–6; t. Sank 7:10; " Abot R. Nat. 6A; see also Goodman, State, 79. 9331 Cf. Isocrates Demon. 41, Or. 1; Plutarch Lect. 18, Mor. 48A. Pythagoreans carried this further than others (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 52.10; Aulus Gellius 1.9.4; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.10). 9333 Cf. also 8:56; 17:13. For the association of joy with the resurrection of the righteous, see T. Jud. 25:4. See further the comment on 3:29. 9336 Syr. Men. 97–98; Xenophon Mem. 2.2.5. Often mothers did die in childbirth (Safrai, «Home,» 765, noting texts that blame such deaths on disobedience to the law; see Keener, Paul, 118–19), albeit not frequently enough to produce a decline in the Jewish population. 9337 Safrai, «Home,» 765, citing m. Šabb. 18:3; Roš Haš. 2:5; " Oha1. 7:4; also among Gentiles, e.g., Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.4. On the importance of midwives, see, e.g., Aristophanes Lys. 746–747; Galen N.F. 3.3.151–152; on the urgency, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 117.30. 9338 Descriptions of it nearly always focus on pain (e.g., Ovid Metam. 9.292–304; Phaedrus 1.18.2–3). 9343 E.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 294; Morris, John, 706; Cadman, Heaven, 196; Fenton, John, 169; Robinson, Coming, 174; Carson, Discourse, 162. 9346 Cf. realized eschatology in Rev 12:2, 5; Rom 8:22 . Many spoke of the final turmoil without the specific metaphor of «birth pangs» (e.g., Jub. 23:13; 36:1; 1QM 15.1; Sib. Or. 3.213–215; 4 Ezra 8:63–9:8; 13:30; 2 Bar. 26:1–27:13; 69:3–5; T. Mos. 7–8; m. Sotah 9:15; b. Sanh. 97a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9). 9348 Cf. Hoskyns, Gospel, 487–88. The distributive singular for «heart» (14:1; 16:22; Brown, John, 2:618) might also reflect Isa 66LXX here. 9351 It may have been a commonplace that, even if one was robbed of possessions, others could not seize onés abilities or identity (cf. Cicero Atf. 3.5; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.26.614); but the childbirth analogy remains central here.

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10146 See Jeffers, World, 43–44; Watkins, John, 388. John leaves unstated the irony of a soldier afterward wearing (or perhaps selling) the very tunic Jesus had worn. 10153 Schnackenburg, John, 3:274; Beasley-Murray, John, 347. An allegorical application of νωθεν as a play on the tradition ( Mark 15:38 ) or more likely on John " s vertical dualism (3:3, 7, 31; 19:11) is plausible but difficult to make sense of. 10157 E.g., Homer Od. 11.432–434, 436–439 (even though Clytemnestra also slew Cassandra in 11.422); Euripides Orest. 1153–1154. (The subtext of the Iliad was that male warriors were fighting because of women, such as Helen and Briseis; cf. esp. I1. 9.339–342.) 10159 Pace Barrett, John, 551. Women relatives were typically allowed, e.g, to visit a man in prison (e.g., Lysias Or. 13.39–40, §133). 10162 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.320 (Israelite society); Homer I1. 18.30–31, 50–51; 19.284–285; Sophocles Ajax 580; Euripides Here. fur. 536; Thucydides 2.34.4; Cicero Fam. 5.16.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; Livy 26.9.7; Valerius Maximus 2.6.13; Pomeroy, Women, 44; Dupont, Life, 115. Ancients did, however, expect both parents of a crucified person to mourn (Sipre Deut. 308.2.1). 10163 Cf., e.g., Valerius Maximus 5.4.7 (cited in Rapske, Custody, 247); 9.2.1; Polybius 5.56.15 (mob action); Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.267 (on Athenian execution of women); Ovid Metam. 13.497 (among captives; cf. Polybius 5.111.6, in a camp). 10168 Ilan, Women, 53, following Hallett, Fathers, 77–81. «Mary» (and variations) was «easily the most popular woman " s name in lst-century Palestine» (Williams, «Personal Names,» 90–91, 107). If one sister had two names, perhaps she came to use the shared name after marriage removed her from her original home? 10169 One could argue that one Mary in Mark 15is Jesus» mother ( Mark 6:3 ; cf. Matt 13:55; 27:56), but if Jesus was the eldest (or even if he was not), one would expect «mother of Jesus» there unless the passion had somehow terminated that relationship (certainly not Lukés view, Luke 24:10: Acts 1:14).

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5921 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.58–59. 5922         Let. Aris. 131–132, 156–157; see further Longenecker, Paul 54–58; Davies, Paul 27–29. Cf. Xenophon Mem. 4.3.13; Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Cicero Nat. d. 2.54.133–58.146; Seneca Benef. 6.23.6–7; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7, 10; 1.16.8; 2.14.11; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Theophilus 1.5–6. 5923 Other messianic claimants also appealed to promised signs as testimony of their identity (Talbert, John, 128, cites Josephus Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97,167–172). 5924 In Johannine theology, those who did see him through Jesus would be transformed, both spiritually in the present (1 John 3:6) and physically eschatologically (1 John 3:2). 5925 E.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3; see the source in Exod 19:9,11; 24:10–11. Philosophers spoke of hearing and seeing God through reason (cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10). 5926 «Thunders» in Exod 19LXX is «sounds» or «voices» (φωνα). A later tradition even says this voice raised the dead (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18). 5927 Dahl, «History,» 133; cf. also Borgen, Bread, 151; Brown, John, 1:225; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52; Whitacre, Polemic, 68; see comment on 6:46. Against the bat kol here, see Odeberg, Gospel, 222. In Pirqe R. E1. 11, Torah shares God " s image; see comment on 1:3. 5928 Odeberg, Gospel, 223–24. Greeks told stories of gods unrecognized among mortals, as Jews did of angels (see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.105, 113–135; 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 1.212–213; 2.698; 5.451–461; 6.26–27; 8.621–629; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Heb 13:2; cf. Gen 18 ; Tob 5:4–6,12; 9:1–5; Philo Abraham 114). 5929 Whitacre, John, 137, may be right to see polemic against mystical Judaism here; but we can account for the text sufficiently on the basis of any Torah-observent Jewish circles. 5930 See Philo Confusion 97,147; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.80–81,171; 3.83. Cf. Plutarch Isis 29, Mor. 362D; 43, 368C; 54, 373B; 377A. 5931 For a person having Torah in oneself, see, e.g., Deut 30:14 ; Ps 37:31; 40:8; 119:11 ; Lev. Rab. 3:7. Believers have Jesus " words in them ( John 15:7 ), Jesus in them (6:56; cf. 1 John 3:15 ), and remain in Jesus ( John 8:31 ).

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6388 Most commentators (e.g., Haenchen, John, 2:13; Schnackenburg, John, 2:132; Brown, John, 1:312; Sandmel, Judaism, 142; Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 88); cf. esp. Acts 4:13. For γρμματα related to the law, cf. Rom 2:27, 29; 7:6 ; 2Cor 3:6 , though in much of the urban Greek East a γραμματικς would instruct boys from well-to-do homes in grammar at the secondary level, perhaps around ages seven to twelve, in preparation for rhetoric (Heath, Hermogenes, 11–12; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 534–35; Burridge, «Gospels and Acts,» 510; Kennedy, «Survey of Rhetoric,» 18). Not only teaching but most trades were learned through apprenticeship (Lewis, Life, 135). 6389         Pace Sanders, John, 205; cf. Luke 4:16–19. 6390 Lack of primary education was common in the ancient Mediterranean, however (e.g., Meeks, Moral World, 62), and despite apologetic claims of education for Hellenistic readers (e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.178; Life 9–10) and among the aristocracy (m. " Abot 5:21; t. Hag. 1:2.), Tannaitic mistrust of the Am Háarets (cf. 7:49) may suggest that even in Jewish Palestine elementary education was more available to those with means. Horsley, Galilee, 246–47, thinks the non-elite learned primarily orally. 6391 Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 31–32, at length. 6392 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Aristarchus 1; Cicero Quinct. 1.1–4; 24.77; 26.80–27.85; Isocrates Panath. 3, Or. 12; Quintilian 4.1.8–9, 11; cf. Exod 4:10; 1Cor 2:1 . 6393 Cf. Bury, Logos Doctrine, 45: as Wisdom, the Logos teaches and needs no teacher. 6394 Blomberg, Reliability, 134, argues that though the language in 7:16–19 is thoroughly Johannine, «conceptual parallels to every statement can be found in the Synoptics, suggesting that John is editing tradition» (which fits conclusions for other passages; see pp. 3–8. 6395         T. Hag. 1:2. Trained law teachers probably doubted that the common people, who lacked as much leisure time, practiced this principle as they should (see comment on 7:49). 6396 In 4Q491 MS C, 11 1.16–17, possibly the Messiah (though this remains uncertain) is untaught but teaches. (But for Qumran, the true teachers are Zadokite priests; cf. 1QS 1.19–2.4; 5.9–10; 6.3–8; also 4Q163 frg. 22, on the likeliest reconstruction).

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Know (knowledge) γινσκω: 8(?); 11:57; 12:9 οδα: 13:17; 15:15,18 Understanding γινσκω: 3:10; 10:6, 38; 13:7, 12; (14:9); 14:20; 17:7–8; 18:18 οδα: 3:8; 4:22, 25, 32; 10:4–5; 11:49 Understand Scripture γινσκω: 12:16 οδα: 20(cf. 2:22) Pharisaic assertions γινσκω: 7(2x), 49; 8:52 οδα: (3:2, 8); 6:42; 8:14; ch. 9, passim Ignorance of Jesus» enemies γινσκω: 3(Nic); 7:27,49; 8:27; (8:52); 8:55 οδα: (2:9); 3(Nic); (4:22, 32); 6:42; 7:28; 8:14; ch. 9, passim; 11:49; 14:5; 16:30–31 Know origin/destination γινσκω: 7:27 οδα: 3:8; (6:6?); 6:42; 7:27–28; 8:14; 9:29–30; 12:35; 14:4–5; (18:2) Relational knowledge γινσκω: 2094 ; 8(?); 10:14; 14:7,9, 17; 17:3, 25 οδα: 7(3d use); 8:19; 10:4–5; 14:7; 15:21; 16:3 Jesus knows the Father γινσκω: 8:55; 10:15; 17:25 2095 οδα: 5:32; 7:29 What Jesus knows οδα: 3:11; 5:32; 8:37; 12:50 Jesus» omniscience concerning humanity 2096 γινσκω: 1(?); 2:24–25; (4:1); (5:6); 5:42; 6:15; 16:19 οδα: 6:61, 64 (Judas); 13(Judas) Jesus» omniscience concerning his hour οδα: 13:1,3; 18:4; 19:28 Jesus» omniscience concerning «all things» οδα: 16:30; 21:17 Jesus knows in predestination γινσκω: 1:48; 10(?) οδα: 13:18 In most cases the varied distribution of the two terms is not statistically significant, 2097 reflecting if anything location in the book. (John sometimes seems to prefer the term more fresh on his mind at the time, e.g., οδα in ch. 9 but both terms in ch. 10 where he develops the issue further.) The only exception related to topic and hence difference in semantic range might be John s preference for οδα with regard to knowledge of origin or destination, and this may have become simply a matter of habit. Even placement in the book usually is not significant: Placement of terms in a book sometimes simply indicates which terms were fresh on an author " s mind; thus before 10.419 the Odyssey often prefers διοτρεφς, «fostered by Zeus,» 2098 but in books 10 through 14 διογενς, «born from Zeus,» becomes the preferred term, regardless of the speaker. 2099 The former term prevails again in book 15, 2100 afterward occurring occasionally (22.136; 24.122), whereas the latter term frequently applies to Odysseus. 2101 Likewise, the Odyssey employs the adjective λευκλενος, «white-armed,» more often in books 6 (6.101,186,239,251) and 7 (7.12,233) than previously, though it is a common term in the Iliad. Such random distributions are no more significant as indicators of Johns theology than they are in the Odyssey. 2102

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Although tribulation is occasionally a punishment for errorists (Rev 2:22), it usually applies to believers (Rev 1:9; 2:9–10; 7:14; John 16:21, 33 ). Perseverance (Rev 2:3,19; 3:10; 13:10; 14:12) and endurance (Rev 2:3, 25), are at least implied for both. In Revelation believers are overcomes (2:7,11,17,26; 3:5,12,21; 12:11; 17:14; 21:7; cf. 11:7; 13:7; cf. «make war» in 2:16; 11:7; 12:11, 17; 17:14; 19:11, 19; 20:8); in 1 John, believers are overcomers (5:4–5) through a decided event (2:14; 4:4), the finished work of Christ (also John 16:33 ). Both documents have «descent» language (Rev 3:12; John passim) and are permeated by an overriding vertical dualism. Opened heavens signify revelation (Rev 4:1; 11:19; 19:11; cf. 3:20; 5:2–3; 15:5; 20:12; John 1:51 ). Jesus wipes away tears (Rev 7:17; 21:4; 1107 cf. John 20:15–16 ); his followers «go out» (Rev 3:12; John 10:9 ); the righteous eat eschatological food (Rev 2:7, 17; 3:20, 19; cf. John 2, 6, 21 ). The true rest (Rev 14vs. 14:11) of the eschatological Sabbath (Rev 20:2–6; 1108 cf. 1:10; 1109 John 5 ), the eschatological hour (Rev 3:3,10; 14:7, 15; 17:12; 18:10,17, 19; ; vs. Jesus» hour in John, e.g., 2:4), 1110 and the eschatological inversion of the true and false (Rev 2:9, 3:17–18; John 9:39, 41 ) are developed in different directions but found in both. The wilderness motif of the new exodus is also common to both works and seems to cover the entire period between Jesus» first and second comings (Rev 12:5–6; John 1:23; 3:14; 6:31 ; cf. 11:54). Glasson notes the wilderness parallels, and lists the tabernacle, water and light, manna (Rev 2:17; John 6:31–33 ), and palms (Rev 7:9; John 12:13 ); but he also observes that these motifs are present in John but future in Revelation. 1111 While the wilderness itself certainly refers to the present rather than the future age in Revelation (12:6,14), and his contrast between John " s past antichrist (17:12) and Revelation " s future one (Rev 13) is questionable, 1112 Glasson is not mistaken about the different orientation; as he points out, Zech 12applies to the cross in John 19:37 , but to the second coming in Rev 1:7. 1113 The two books are relatively consistent in their different orientations, despite the presence of some future es-chatology in John; but as we have argued above, these differences of orientation need not be (though could be) a decisive argument for separate authors.

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7468 E.g., 2Sam 11:1 ; Polybius 10.40; Diodorus Siculus 14.17.12; 15.73.4; 20.113.3; 29.2.1; Livy 5.2.1; 21.58.1–2; 22.22.21; 23.18.9–10; 25.11.20; 32.4.7; 32.32.1; 37.39.2; 38.27.9; 38.32.2; 43.7.11; 43.9.3; 44.16.2; 45.8.8; 45.9.1; Sallust Jug. 61.2; 97.3; Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 6.1; 17 (Agesilaus), 3.4; 18 (Eumenes), 5.7; 8.1,4; Appian R.H. 7.7.43; 11.3.16; 12.15.101; Arrian Alex. 3.6.1; Lucan C.W. 2.648; Herodian 5.5.3; BGU 696.3; Josephus War 4.442; Ant. 18.262; Dio Cassius 55.24.2. There were many exceptions (e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.1; Livy 43.18.1; 44.1.1; Arrian Alex. 4.21.10), but some proved disastrous (Herodian 6.6.3). 7469 E.g., Longus 2.19, 21; Achilles Tatius 8.19.3; Apuleius Metam. 11.5; Dionysius of Halicarnassus RA. 7.2.1; Livy 38.41.15; Herodian 5.5.3; Josephus War 1.279–280; 2.203; 4.499; Ecc1. Rab. 3:2, §2; Acts 27:9; 2Tim 4:21 . See Rapske, «Travel,» 4–6,22–29, on exceptions; Virgil Aen. 4.309. 7471 It does not appear to be used of suspense in pre-Christian texts, except in the sense of prayers of anticipation in LXX Ps 24 (25): 1; 85(86)(Michaels, John, 175). Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 184–85, suggest the meaning «provoke,» fitting the context " s «honor challenge»; but their evidence is modern Greek, which risks anachronism (though lack of alternatives may invite the risk). 7474 Guilding, Worship, thinks that Ezek 34 was used in the lection for both Sukkoth (10:1–21) and Hanukkah (followed by others, e.g., Ellis, Genius, 173). It is difficult to know how early this reading is for either festival, but as we have argued in the introduction to 10:22–39, the proximity and similarity of the festivals invited John " s audience to understand the latter in light of the former. 7477 Thus the neuter rather than the masculine term for «one,» and perhaps the plural verb (Whitacre, John, 271, challenging the Sabellian or modalist interpretation, citing various church fathers). Calvin, John, 1(on John 10:30 ) and 2(on John 17:21 ), warns that the Fathers, opposing the Arians, interpreted all references to Christ " s oneness with the Father in terms of his essence, but this was not Jesus» point.

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