| One of the most highly educated hierarchs of the nineteenth century, Bishop Ignatius Brianchaninov, summarized the Christian view on the question of freedom thus: As long as mankind is subject to the influence of sin and the passions, rule and submission are necessary. They will inevitably exist throughout the course of the life of the world; only they may appear, do appear, and will appear in various forms.… Neither equality, nor complete freedom, nor earthly welfare to the degree that ecstatic false teachers wish it and promise it, can ever be.… The relationship of rule and submission will perish when the world perishes—then will rule and submission cease (cf. 1 Cor 15:24); then will there be brotherhood, equality, and freedom; then will the reason for unity, rule, and submission be not fear, but love. Alexei Ilyich Osipov Translated by Nun Cornelia (Rees) 30 июля 2010 г. ... Saint Macarius of Egypt, Spiritual Homilies (Sergiev Posad: Saint Sergius Lavra, 1904), 15 § 21:121 (Russian translation). Ibid., § 23. Blessed Augustine very successfully relates the degree of sanctity with the degree of freedom when he says, “It is a great freedom to be able to not sin, but it is a very great freedom to be incapable of sinning” ( Magna est libertas posse non peccare; sed maxima libertas—non posse peccare ). V. S. Soloviev wrote, “Only by believing in the invisible God and acting in faith from God does our will become truly free will; that is, a free leader—free from its own self, from its given factual condition. Here, will acts not only as a psychological phenomenon, but as a creative power, which goes before every phenomenon and is not covered by any fact, that is, it is free in essence” (V. Soloviev, “Works,” Social Benefit [Saint Petersburg], 3:293). Archpriest Sergei Bulgakov, The Bride of the Lamb (Paris, 1945), 521–522. Saint Isaac the Syrian, Ascetical Homilies (Moscow, 1858), 28:190. Holy Transfiguration Monastery, 52:262. Immanuel Kant, Works (Moscow, 1964), 3:478. |
| Michael Prokurat, Alexander Golitzin, Michael D. Peterson Скачать epub pdf APOSTASY APOSTASY. From the Greek “defection” (or literally “standing off”) and beginning with a political association (“rebel”), it came to mean an abandonment or renunciation of God and religion in the Septuagint (q.v.) (Josh 22:22; 2 Chr 29:19). Paul is accused of apostasy in Acts 21when he did not require Christian Jews to keep the Law of Moses. Another different reference to general apostasy is recorded in 2 Th 2:3–4, which reflects Jewish apocalyptic expectations (cf. Dan 11:36–37 ) of the end time. Apostasy from Christianity is considered an unpardonable sin in Heb 6:1–8. Theological justification for strictness in dealing with apostasy is given in 2 Clement 8: Since there is no repentance after death, it is important to keep the flesh pure and the seal of baptism undefiled (see also chs. 9, 17). Whether these references were a localized interpretation, tautological (i.e., one who is defecting cannot be simultaneously repenting), or the universal teaching in the 1st c. A.D., denunciations of apostates soon changed somewhat and appeared in a modified form. In the earliest Christian interpretation, apostasy-as murder or fornication-was accounted unpardonable sin (q.v.). In the Shepherd of Hermas (q.v.), dated to about the same time as 2 Clement (mid-2nd c.), there are numerous references to the possibility of repentance after apostasy, although apostates are in the last instance labeled worse than unbelievers (Similitude 9.XVIII.1–4). Mandate 4.III speaks of repentance for sin after Baptism (q.v.), and the next section goes on to talk about second marriages. Sim. 8.VI explains the possibility of repentance with many examples illustrating that almost every, if not every, apostasy or sin may be absolved. Similarly, Sim. 9.XIII.6 f. describes the “rejected stones” who were apostate after fleshly things, and that they also have the possibility of repentance (9.XIV. 1–3). The Church continued to utilize the antithetical tension between Hebrews and Hennas, frequently requiring public penance of baptized persons guilty of apostasy. (See Confession.) Читать далее Источник: The A to Z of the Orthodox Church/Michael Prokurat, Alexander Golitzin, Michael D. Peterson - Scarecrow Press, 2010. - 462 p. ISBN 1461664039 Поделиться ссылкой на выделенное |
| M. Bartoli. R., 1992; Peter of John Olivi on the Bible/Ed. D. Flood, G. Gál. St. Bonaventure (N. Y.), 1997; Expositio in Canticum Canticorum/Ed. J. Schlageter. Grottaferrata, 1999. (Collectio Oliviana; 2); On the Acts of the Apostles/Ed. D. Flood. St. Bonaventure (N. Y.), 2001; Quaestiones circa matrimonium/Ed. A. Ciceri. Grottaferrata, 2001. (Collectio Oliviana; 3); Quaestiones de Romano Pontifice/Ed. M. Bartoli. Grottaferrata, 2002. (Collectio Oliviana; 4); Quodlibeta quinque/Ed. S. Defraia. Grottaferrata, 2002. (Collectio Oliviana; 7); Lectura super Proverbia et Lectura super Ecclesiasten/Ed. J. Schlageter. Grottaferrata, 2003. (Collectio Oliviana; 6); Quaestiones de novissimis ex Summa super IV Sententiarum/Ed. P. Maranesi. Grottaferrata, 2004. (Collectio Oliviana; 8); On Genesis/Ed. D. Flood. St. Bonaventure (N. Y.), 2007; Lectura super Lucam et Lectura super Marcum/Ed. F. Iozzelli. Grottaferrata, 2010. (Collectio Oliviana; 5); Lecturae super Pauli Epistolas/Ed. A. Boureau. Turnhout, 2010. (CCCM; 233); Traité des contrats/Ed. S. Piron. P., 2012; Lectura super Apocalypsim/Ed. W. Lewis. St. Bonaventure (N. Y.), 2015; Postilla super Iob/Ed. A. Boureau. Turnhout, 2015. (CCCM; 275); Tractatus de missa/Ed. S. Piron//Oliviana. 2016. Vol. 5. P. 1-39 [Электр. ресурс: http://journals.openedition.org/oliviana/817]; Библиогр.: Gieben S. Bibliographia Oliviana (1885-1967)//CF. 1968. Vol. 38. P. 167-195; Bibliographie (1989-1998)//Pierre de Jean Olivi (1248-1298). 1999. P. 389-400; Lerner R. E. e. a. Notes bibliographiques (2002-2004)//Oliviana. 2003. Vol. 1. P. 2-3; K ö nig-Pralong C. e. a. Bibliographie des travaux récents sur Olivi, 2004-2012//Ibid. 2012. Vol. 4. P. 1-10. Лит.: Ehrle F. Die Spiritualen, ihr Verhältnis zum Franziskanerorden und zu den Fraticellen//ALKGMA. 1885. Bd. 1. S. 509-569; 1886. Bd. 2. S. 106-164; 1887. Bd. 3. S. 553-623; 1888. Bd. 4. S. 1-190; idem. Zur Vorgeschichte des Concils von Vienne//Ibid. 1886. Bd. 2. S. 353-416; 1887. Bd. 3. S. 1-195; idem. |
| 9054 Mitchell, «Friends,» 259, citing Cicero Amic. 6.22. Masters also should avoid confiding in servants (Theophrastus Char. 4.2). 9057 Plutarch Flatterer 24, Mor. 65AB (LCL 1:344–45); cf. Flatterer 17, Mor. 59A; Educ. 17, Mor. 13B. Cf. Stowers, Letter Writing, 39. 9063 Aristotle N.E. 9.8.2, 1168b, cited in Stowers, Letter Writing, 58; Witherington, Acts, 205 (on Acts 4:32). Cf. Arius Didymus 11C. 9065 Martial Epigr. 2.43.1–16; Herodian 3.6.1–2; Cornelius Nepos 15 (Epaminondas), 3.4; Iambli-chus V.P. 19.92 (cf. 29.162; 30.167–168; 33.237–240); cf. 1Macc 12and perhaps Ps.-Phoc. 30; Euripides Andr. 585 (but cf. 632–635); Plutarch Bride 19, Mor. 140D; Longus 1.10; Martial Epigr. 8.18.9–10. 9066 E.g., Alciphron Farmers 27 (Ampelion to Euergus), 3.30, par. 3; 29 (Comarchides to Euchaetes), 3.73, par. 2; Fishermen 7 (Thlassus to Pontius), 1.7. 9069 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.125; Plutarch Cicero 25.4. On friendship between good men and the gods, cf., e.g., Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; on all things belonging to them, Seneca Benef. 7.4.6, cf. Philo Cherubim 84. The maxim is especially cited in works on 1Corinthians (Willis, Meat, 169; Conzelmann, Corinthians, 80; cf. also Fitzgerald, Cracks, 200–201; Grant, Christianity, 102–3). 9070 E.g., people invoked divinities as φλοι, to help them in battle (Aeschylus Sept. 174); cf. a mortal as a «friend» who honors his patron demigod in Philostratus Hrk. 58.1 (the hero is also his friend in 10.2); cf. perhaps Iamblichus V.P. 10.53 (where the friendship is demonstrated by deities» past favors). 9071 This observation (in contrast to some other observations above) may run counter to the suggestion of Judge (Pattern, 38) that w. 13–15 of John 15 «reveal the peculiar combination of intimacy and subordination» characteristic of the patronal relationship. 9073 Maximus of Tyre Or. 19.4; Iamblichus V.P. 33.229. This might involve sharing the divine character (Iamblichus V.P. 33.240). 9074 Crates Ep. 26, to the Athenians (Gyn. Ep. 76–77); cf. likewise Diog. Ep. 10, to Metrocles (Cyn. Ep. 104–5). Cf. Plato Leg. 4.716D (cited in Mayor, James, cxxv); fellowship between mortals and deities in the golden age (Babrius pro1.13). |
| 1247 Sambursky, «Gematria»; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 103, citing Cicero Inv. 2.40.116; Hengel, Hellenism, l:80ff.; Lieberman, Hellenism, 47–82. Some may also reflect Babylonian sources (Cavigneaux, «Sources»). 1248 Judith 16:7; Josephus War 1.353; 2.155–158; Ag. Ap. 1.255; 2.263; Pesiq. Rab. 20(cf. Greek Phlegethon; cf. the Elysian plain and Acherusian lake in Sib. Or. 2.337–338, probably Christian redaction; Apoc. Mos. 37:3). 1249 E.g., Artapanus in Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.3; Sib. Or. 2.15 (Poseidon); 2.19 (Hephaistos); 3.22 (Tethys); 3.110–116, 121–155, 551–554, 588 (euhemeristic; cf. similarly Let. Aris. 136; Sib. Or. 3.723; 8.43–47); 5.334 (personification; cf. also 7.46; 11.104, 147, 187, 205, 219, 278; 12:53, 278; 14.56, 115); T. Job 1.3 (cornucopia); 51:1/2 (perhaps allusion to Nereus, also in Sib. Or. 1.232); cf. (not Greek) Ishtar as an evil spirit in Text 43:6–7, perhaps 53:12, Isbell, 103; cf. art (some of it in Palestinian synagogues) in Goodenough, Symbols, vols. 7–8 (and Dura Europos synagogue, vols. 9–11, and 12:158–183). 1250 The clear examples are few (even Egyptian use may have been more common; cf. «Biblés Psalm»), despite apologetic protestations to the contrary (e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.165; 2.257). 1252 E.g., Martin, Colossians, 18–19; Knox, Gentiles, 149; Wilson, Gnostic Problem, 259. Although an Egyptian provenance for the Testament of Solomon is possible, I would favor an Asian provenance, given its date (cf. also Artemis in 8:11, etc.), and stress the magical-mystical nature of some of Judaism in Asia. 1253 So Kennedy, Epistles, 14, 22; Robinson, Redating, 294. Palestine had its Pharisees and Essenes, but had even more Am Háarets. 1258 Cf. CD 5.6–8; lQpHab 9.6–7. Others also believed that profaning the temple could bring judgment, although not applying it to this time (Pss. So1. 1:8; 2:1–10; Josephus War 5.17–18; cf. the ambiguous evaluation of Tannaitic sources in Goldenberg, «Explanations»). 1263 Grant, Gods, 51; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 121–22; Conzelmann, «Areopagus,» 224; van de Bunt-van den Hoek, «Aristobulos»; cf. Renehan, «Quotations.» Jewish and early Christian texts often followed the Greek practice (instilled in school memorization exercises) of citing or alluding to Homer (e.g., Ps.-Phoc. 195–197; Syr. Men. 78–93; Josephus Ant. 1.222; Sib. Or. 3.401–432, passim; 3.814; 5.9; 2 Bar. 10:8; Tatian 8; cf. Rahmani, «Cameo») or other poets (Acts 17:28; 1Cor 15:33 ; Tit 1:12 ; Justin 1 Apo1. 39; Theophilus 2.37; Athenagoras 5–6; cf. Manns, «Source»), or proverbs originally based on them. |
| 644 Fornara, Nature of History, 143–54; Judge, «Rhetoric of Inscriptions,» 819. This should trouble us only if we evaluate such works by the standards of modern historiography; ancient historical speeches were a different genre (cf. Fornara, Nature of History, 142). 648 Ibid., Nature of History, 160–61 (also claiming that even Pompeius Trogus, the worst offender, avoids «free fiction»). Problems arose only when Romans tried to write «ancient» history for which they no longer had oral sources (pp. 166–67). 649 Other writers such as Sallust imitated Thucydides» use of speeches, but sometimes with less historical caution (Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 263). On the general sense of, and debate surrounding, the quotation, see, e.g., Kennedy, «Survey of Rhetoric,» 15; Porter, Paul in Acts, 110–12; idem, «Thucydidean View?» 651 Gempf, «Speaking,» 283. Also Witherington, Acts, 40, who sees Livy as one of the more expansive writers (because he wished to demonstrate his rhetorical artistry). 653 Ibid., 264; see more fully the nuanced discussion in Fornara, Nature of History, 142–68, esp. 167–68. 657 Thucydides 1.22.1; Satterthwaite, «Acts,» 355–56. Public speeches, like battles, were viewed as crucial historical events (Gempf, «Speaking,» 261). 658 Aune, Environment, 91 (though rhetorical handbooks lead us to doubt this was ever the ideal). 659 Cf., e.g., the positions of Cadbury, Acts in History, 40–41; Hengel, Acts, 60; Blaiklock, «Acts.» For various views, see the summaries and evaluations in Gasque, History, esp. 306–9; Wilson, Gentiles, 255–57, 267. 660 Cf. consistent use of devices such as interruption (Horsley, «Speeches») and common structural patterns (cf., e.g., Goulder, Acts, 83; Zehnle, Discourse, 19–23). Such patterns need not indicate wholesale secondary composition, however (Ridderbos, «Speeches,» 9, compares Jesus» Matthean discourses). Robinson, Studies, 139–53, pointed to theological divergences in some speeches (Acts 3 reflecting very primitive features), suggesting prior tradition. |
| 1073 Cf., e.g., ] Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, passim; in Greek oracles, see Aune, Prophecy, 51–52. Some philosophers also strove to make their teachings enigmatic to outsiders (Culpepper, School, 50, cf. 92). 1074 See Lake and Cadbury, Commentary, 239; Haenchen, Acts, 559 n. 2; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 99–100; cf. Ramsay, Cities, 229–30. On public lectures in philosophical schools, cf., e.g., Aulus Gellius Attic Nights 1.26 (Stowers, «Diatribe,» 74); Malherbe, «Life» 35; Latourette, Expansion, 1:16. Early Christian congregations naturally appeared to many outsiders as philosophical schools or associations (Wilken, «Collegia,» 277; idem, «Christians,» 107–10; cf. idem, «Social Interpretation,» 444–48), and Paul may have been fulfilling this function even if the hall he was renting from Tyrannus was a guild hall (Malherbe, Aspects, 89–90). Some have seen even in Romans evidence of the teaching style he employed with students (Stowers, Diatribe, 183). 1075 Even in rhetorical schools, different disciples of a single teacher might exhibit widely diverging styles (Cicero Brutus 56.204). 1076 That authors adapted style to genre is commonly noted; e.g., Stowers, Diatribe, 69; cf. Cicero Yam. 9.21.1. 1077 Compare, e.g., Diogenes Laertius 3.8; Ps-Melissa Ep. (Letter to Kleareta in Malherbe, Exhortation, 82). 1078 This is an argument by analogy, not implying that later Christian perspectives should be read back into the NT documents (though this happens, as Brown, Community, 163, for instance notes, when the inclusion of John [Kysar " s «maverick gospel " ] in the same canon with the Synoptics provides interpretive boundaries for both). But the DSS indicate major variations of genre and perspective within the same community and perhaps from the same ultimate author (e.g., the community " s rules and hymns), which were not viewed as in conflict with one another (cf. Keck, «Ethos,» 448–49; cf. also the compatibility of rabbinic and apocalyptic piety in Sanders, Judaism, 8). 1081 Cf. also καθστημι in Acts 7:10; 17:15; perhaps λαμπρν in Luke 23:11; Acts 10:30. Similarly, ομοθυμαδν is common (ten times) in Acts, but never appears in Luke (and only once elsewhere in the NT). |
| 1451 Lucian Pereg. 11 (Loeb 5:12–13); but Tiede, Figure, 85, is all too accurate when he calls this passage «perplexing.» Wilken, «Christians,» 119–23, notes that outsiders recognized Christianity " s Jewish roots well into the third century. 1454 E.g., Smallwood, Rule, 539; Reinhold, Diaspora, 74; Selwyn, Peter, 51; Levinskaya, Diaspora Setting, 6. 1455 Rome treated it as a collegium rather than a religio; see Rajak, «Charter»; Parkes, Conflict, 8; Koester, Introduction, 1:365. For general information on their status, cf. Rabello, «Condition»; Applebaum, «Status»; Whittaker, Jews and Christians, 92–105. 1456 See Pucci Ben Zeev, «Position»; cf. Aune, Revelation, 169–72; Witherington, Acts, 541–44. Some cities had challenged these rights, but rarely in the preceding century (Trebilco, Communities, 13,183–84). 1460 Cf. Luke (Kent, Jerusalem, 17; Bruce, Commentary, 20–24); this may be why Acts 18omits mention of the reasons Suetonius later cites for Claudius " s expulsion. 1463 E.g., Borchert, John, 72; some suggest that Christians in Galatia may have accepted circumcision to escape the demands of the imperial cult (Winter, Welfare, 133–43). For persecution in John " s Sitz im Leben, see Minear, «Audience,» 340–41; cf. Kysar, Evangelist, 153. 1465 Foakes Jackson and Lake, «Evidence,» 183–84; Aune, Environment, 137. For this practice in antiquity in Judaism, cf., e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.1,58–59,103–105; Justin 1 Apo1. 44; Parke, Sibyls, 8; Mason, Josephus and NT, 196–98; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 349; Hengel, Judaism, 1:93. 1466 Some accuse Luke of anti-Judaism (Sandmel, Anti-Semitism, 100; Klausner, Paul, 229; Slingerland, «Jews»; cf. Hare, «Rejection,» 27). More likely, Luke-Acts merely emphasizes the veracity and Jewishness of Christianity, despite much of Judaism " s rejection (Brawley, Jews, 158–59); Lukés portrayal of the Pharisees (Brawley, Jews, 84–106) and the Jewish people (Brawley, Jews, 133–54; cf. Jervell, Luke, 44, 49; Stowers, «Synagogue»; Hengel, Acts, 63–64) is essentially positive (contrast Justin Martyr). The Christianity of Luke-Acts may have been sectarian like other early Jewish movements, but this hardly makes it anti-Semitic (see Donaldson, «Typology»). |
| The rapid transition of officeholders under the Romans may have rendered the usage more fluid as wel1. 3807 Also implied in T. Levi 14(though this could be a later interpolation). Avigad, Jerusalem, 130; idem, «Burnt House,» 71, cites t. Menah. 13:21; b. Pesah. 57.1 alongside archaeological attestation of a priestly name appearing there (Kathros). 3808 P. Ter. 6:1. The early church reportedly made inroads into both communities (Acts 6:7; 15:5). 3809 E.g., Simon, Sects, 24; cf. Baumbach, «Sadduzäerverständnis.» 3810 E.g., for rabbis sending rabbis to other rabbis, p. Ta c an. 3:11, §4; Sanh. 1:2, §10; for messengers to other regions, cf. Pesiq. Rab Kah. 15:5; perhaps CIJ 1:438–39, §611. 3811 2Macc 1:18; Acts 9:1–2; Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 255–57. Cf. Josephus Ant. 13.62–69; Safrai, «Relations,» 204–7, citing Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.32–33; Acts 28:21; and numerous other sources. 3812 Cf. Brown, John, 1:43, who also points out their relative scarcity in the NT. Barrett, John, 172, does note that Lévites remain distinct from priests even as late as rabbinic literature (m. Hor. 3:8) and, like Brown, notes their function as police as well as worshipers (citing m. Tamid 7; Mid. 1–2), the former function perhaps being more relevant in our text. 3813 Haenchen, John, 1:143, contrasting this with the OT and 1QS. 3814 See Kraeling, John, 26–27. 3815 Despite Josephus " s portrayal of its later revolt against Rome, the priestly aristocracy clearly sought its own interests from Rome and not just peace for its people (e.g., Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 315; more harshly, cf. Horsley, «High Priests»). 3816 Cf. Blomberg, Reliability, 76. 3817 Cf. Manson, Sayings, 39 (though doubting that Q is the source here); see Tilborg, Leaders, for an analysis of this typical Matthean redactional tendency. 3818 Mark 1:5 ; Matt 3:5–6; Luke 3:3, 7; Josephus Ant. 18.118. 3819 E.g., Josephus Ant. 20.98, 168, 171 (though the reports are less complete in the earlier War, e.g., War 2.263). 3820 Cf. Schnackenburg, John, 1:291; cf. |
| 9309 Cf. Schlier, «Begriff,» 269, who says that the Spirit illuminates the work of Jesus in his glory. In Wis 8:3, Wisdom δοξζει, but the object is her own nobility. 9310 John Chrysostom believed that the Spirit would glorify Jesus by performing greater miracles, as in 14(Hom. Jo. 78). 9313 E.g., 1 En. 1:2; 72:1; 74:2; 75:3; Jub. 32:21; 3 Bar. 1:8; 5:1; 6:1; 4 Ezra 4:1; Rev 1:1; b. Ber. 51a; Ned. 20ab; cf. gnostic traditions in Paraphrase of Shem (NHL 308–28) and Hypsiphrone (NHL 453). It also appears in negative polemic ( Gal 1:8 ; Col 2:18), some of which reflects the Prometheus myth (b. Sabb. 88a; Gen. Rab. 50:9; 68:12; 78:2). 9314 T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Sipra Behuq. pq. 8.269.2.15; b. Ned. 38a; Acts 7:38; cf. Isaacs, Spirit, 130. Aelius Aristides claimed that Athena passed on what she received from her Father (37.4–7, in Van der Horst, «Acts,» 57). 9316 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.1.11 (Antisthenes); Achilles Tatius 3.10.4; 1Macc 12:23; T. Job 18(OTP 1:847)/18(ed. Kraft, 40). 9317 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.37 (LCL); cf., e.g., Crates Ep. 26–27 (to the Athenians); Anacharsis Ep. 9:12–14 (to Croesus). In early Christian literature, see, e.g., Sent. Sext. 228. See further the comment on 15:15. 9321 In the Q tradition cf. Matt 11:27; Luke 10:22; for Jesus passing to the disciples what he received from the Father, cf., e.g., Luke 22:29. 9322 Cf., e.g., Holwerda, Spirit, 132. Brown (John, 2:728) divides 16:16–33 into a chiasmus: prediction of a test and subsequent consolation (16:16, 31–33); intervening remarks of disciples (16:17–19,29–30); and promise of blessings to be enjoyed by disciples (16:20–23a, 23b-28). But the structure is too general to be clear, and remarks about a test and consolation appear elsewhere in the section (16:20–21). 9324 Pass, Glory, 233 (cf. also Westcott, John, 231–32; Phillips, «Faith,» 89; Derrett, «Seeing»), tentatively suggests a distinction between the two terms here «behold» (for bodily sight) and «see» (for spiritual vision); in view of Johannine usage, however, the terminological distinction cannot hold (see «vision» in our introduction; also Sanchez Navarro, «Acerca»). |
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