9816 Shepherd, «Date.» Carson, «Matthew,» 529 also mentions other proposals, e.g., that Pharisees and Sadducees followed divergent calendars (Strack-Billerbeck) or that the Galileans followed the Pharisaic (and Synoptic) one and Judeans the Sadducean (and Johannine) one (though Josephus places most Pharisees in Jerusalem). But I suspect that a major difference in observance in the temple would have left more trace in extant first-century sources concerning feasts (such as Josephus). 9817 France, Matthew, 365. One cannot argue this, however, from the lack of mention of purification or lamb; these would be taken for granted (everyone in the Roman Empire expected animal sacrifices and purifications for festivals), and it would be their omission that would have required comment (Sanders, Figure, 251). 9818 See Blomberg, Reliability, 238, 254 (citing esp. Smith, «Chronology of Supper»; Carson, John, 589–90, 622; Geldenhuys, Luke, 649–70; and linguistic data in Billerbeck, Kommentar, 837–38), taking the «high» Sabbath as a Sabbath that falls on a festival (19:31), and John " s «preparation» (19:14) as for the Sabbath (cf. Mark 15:42 ) and merely during Passover ( John 19:14 ). If we did not have the Synoptic tradition, however, no one would pursue such expedients; the language more naturally suggests the preparation was for Passover as well as the Sabbath. This is not to deny that John may depend on historical tradition (with this as the most workable suggestion) but to suggest that he at least exploits the ambiguity to present Jesus as the Passover lamb (1:29; 19:36). 9822 Ibid., 16, citing, e.g., Pliny Ep. 10.97; cf. Ferguson, Backgrounds, 51. On delatores, see, e.g., ÓNeal, «Delation.» 9823 Sherwin-White, Society, 47. More fully, the Roman trial scheme may be summarized as arrest (18:4–11); charges (18:29–32); exam (18:33–37); verdict (18:38–40); warning (19:1–3); charges (19:4–8); exam (19:9–12); verdict (19:13–15); sentence (19:16; see Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 249).

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Jesus is both shepherd (Rev 7:17; John 10:11 ) and paschal lamb (Rev 5:6; John 1:29; 19:36 ). 1100 He is the incarnate Word of God (Rev 19:13; John 1:1–18 ) in both. (Some other Torah motifs may appear, whether the tree of life [Rev 2:7; 22:2, 14, 19] 1101 or, more likely, light [Rev 21:23; 22:5; 1102 John 1:4; 8:12 ]. But the evidence for these in Revelation is sparse.) Jesus is the universal king (Rev 17:14; 19:16; John 1:49; 12:13; 19:19 ); although «King of Israel» could simply mean «messiah,» the Fourth Gospels Christology suggests that it fits Revelation s use of Gentile titles for divine kings and the Jewish use of «King of kings» for God (17:14; 19:16; 1103 cf. also melech haolam, presupposed in Rev 15MSS). 1104 There might be a shared Michael Christology (Rev 12in context; some writers on John " s Paraclete) and bridegroom Christology (Rev 19:7; 21:2; John 3:29 ); it is even slightly possible that the image of Jesus as vine ( John 15:1 ) is echoed in the anti-vine of Rev 14:19. The weight of these more peripheral similarities can be evaluated, however, only after one has already established or disproved a relationship between the documents in question.   Similarities in Apocalyptic Worldview. The apocalyptic worldview (including heaven-earth dualism and severe opposition between Gods people and the world) informs both, 1105 although the Gospel paints its drama in Jesus» life and consequently emphasizes realized eschatology. Although some of this worldview pervades most early Christian literature, specific parallels between John and Revelation are significant, especially those that appear rarely, if ever, elsewhere in the NT. Both Revelation and the Fourth Gospel share a similar theology of suffering, although in John its major object is Jesus, and it is promised to the disciples only for the future (15:18–25; 16:32–33), whereas Revelation by its nature emphasizes the present suffering of disciples (12:17; 13:7; 17:6; 19:2). In both the suffering of disciples is linked with that of Jesus, often by subtle narrative connections; Revelation links them by clues on the nature of martyrdom (5:6; 6:9), John by equally subtle clues linking Jesus» hour with that of the disciples (e.g., 16:2,21,32; 17:1). The sufferings of Jesus» death usher in the period of messianic birth-pangs for disciples throughout the present age ( John 16:21 ; cf. Rev 12:2). 1106

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Jesus leaves peace with the disciples (14:27), again encouraging them not to be afraid (14:27; see 14:1); he assures them that his departure will be better for him, not a cause of grief to them (14:28); he gives them advance warning, not to grieve them but so they may have confidence that this is part of God " s plan (14:29); and he must go because it is the Father " s commandment (14:31). 1. Peace in Jesus» Departure (14:27–29) In an assurance oracle, Jesus provides a promise of peace after his departure (14:27). Jesus reiterates his earlier command not to be afraid (14:1), a theme that also closes his direct discourse to the disciples along with another assurance of peace (16:33). This promise relates to a central motif in Jesus» last discourse, recognizing that after Jesus departed, the disciples would have to confront a hostile world (15:18–16:4). The promise begins to be fulfilled in 20:19, 21. 8787 The language of assurance is standard (e.g., Jdt 11:1; T. Ab. 9:4B). «Peace» applies particularly to war 8788 or human relationships, 8789 but also (for Stoic thinkers especially) to tranquility in the midst of hardship 8790 or to the bliss of the righteous after death; 8791 it is also an eschatological hope for Israe1. 8792 The pacifist Pharisaic tradition that survived in rabbinic literature 8793 highly extolled the value of peace. 8794 While the emphasis on «peace» is not unusual, Jesus» statement that he «leaves» it with them (φημι) may sound like a legacy from one departing (cf. 14:18). 8795 Their situation would be peace, and Jesus» situation would be better than it was while he was talking with them; he would be with the Father (14:28), as he had been explaining to his disciples earlier (14:2–6). Love for Jesus was earlier expressed by keeping his commandments (14:15), undoubtedly especially loving one another (13:34–35); here it is expressed by rejoicing for his joy once he returns to the Father. Unselfish joy for the bridegroom " s exaltation also characterizes John the Baptist (3:29), though John " s hearers rejoiced in him (5:35). The Fourth Gospel especially associates joy with Jesus» resurrection (16:20–22, 24; 20:20), hence with the new life believers experience in fellowship with him and with one another (15:11; 17:13). 8796

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βυκινζω trompeten: EustIl 1321,33. -ηνξω GennSchol VIII 429,14.– S. βουκινζω; vgl, βυκανζω Stam. βυκινοκονταρογναι mit Bärten (lang) wie Lanzen und Trompeten: ScholAr Ran. 966.– S. βυκανοδορ. βκινον, τ (lat. bucina/-num) Trompete: LudwAnek 9,7. Attal 17,3; 114,3; 248,8. Anna Hl 12,3.22; 13,21. TzetzAr II 452,7. PsHerod 10. -ηνον GennSchol VIII 429,14.– DGE, Duc 214; s. βοκινον. βυω verstopft sein: τος σν ς σπδες βυοντες Rom 15 ια 3 (cf. ed. Grosdid. de Matons III p.211 n.2) stopfen: τς κος ThStudEp 406,21.– βω LS, DGE. βρσα, Lederschild: PhotBib 429b27.31.– (LS, DGE, Stam, AndrArch). βυρσριον, τ Haut, Fell: Suda II 577,19. DeCer I 659,13; 670,17; 671,9; 675,9. DeAdmImp 53,531. KonstPorphMil C 128.133. LeoTact I 94 app.– Kr. βυρσλικτος in eine Haut gewickelt: Επλος EustrHag 148=AASS Mai VII 238E. βυρσεργτης, Lederarbeiter: TzetzIamb 135,36.– Stam. βυρσικς zum Gerben: ος Hippiatr II 110,2; 139,8,–LS, DGE. βρσινος aus Leder, ledern: CorpGloss. ScholIl Y 280. LChoer 123,27. PapSyl 8,25.– LS, TLG, Stam. βυρσοδερμτινος mit Lederhaut: TzetzAr I 210,12. βυρσοδρμων lederhäutig: Philes II 307,29 (Th. Prodr.). βυρσοδψησις, Gerbung: PlanEpist 64,20.– LS (Eust.), Stam. βυρσοδεψικ, Gerbekunst, Gerberei: ScholPlat Euthyphr. 11c (Arethas).– LS, DGE, Stam; -κς Kr; -κς KumN. βυρσοδεψοπαφλαγν, Leder gerbender Paphlagonier: -γν κακν τρας KonstRhod- Matr 626,28.– Vgl. βυρσοπαφλαγν LS. βυρσοποιω Leder gerben: KalamGloss 288,68. βυρσοποις, Ь Ledererzeuger: EpBib 14,2.– LS. βυρσοφρος Leder tragend: χελναι MirDem 152,18. βυρσω mit Leder überziehen: SchneidPol 230,7; 264,7. EtymMag 585,29. JoStaur 358,18.– LS, Stam. βυρσδης lederartig, hart: AemOl I 207,19. ErmAnecd 61.– LS, DGE, Stam; KumN -σοειδς. βυσαλκτιστος s. βησαλκτιστος βσις, Ausfällen: χασμδας EustIl 969, 56.– Stam. βυσμς, ( < βω) σταφυλν Kyran I 16,17 (cf. DGE). βσσα, Tiefe: Kyran II 5,20.21. eine Krebsart: β. στι κραβος Kyran 12,2.7. feines Leinen (=βσσος, ): πορφραν κα -αν DidymZach III 164,2. -αν πορφυρχροον Melit 1897.– LS, DGE.

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While Jesus» own contemporaries in the Jewish community are divided, the elite was committed to punishing Jesus, and many of his supporters recognized this, hence remained quiet (7:13; 9:22). John did not regard this response to Jesus as adequate discipleship (12:42–43). Yet it is significant that his own disciples later prove timid «because they feared «the Jews»» (δια τον φβον των Ιουδαων, exactly the phrase as here in 7:13; cf. 9:22) before receiving a resurrection appearance (20:19). Only an encounter with the risen Christ–directly or through the apostolic message and the Spirit " s witness (20:29)–would prove adequate for open faith. 6382 For the evangelist " s own audience, expulsion from their synagogue may have proved the price of confessing Jesus openly. 6383 That John observes that the Jewish crowds feared «the Jews» (7:13), though the crowds are plainly Jewish, indicates that he uses the term especially for the authorities. 6384 Jesus Contends with Jerusalemites (7:14–36) In this section Jesus the Galilean prophet contends with the Jerusalemites. Jesus remained concealed until the middle of the feast (7:14), when popular opinion might offer some protection (although it appears limited–cf. 7:32). Jesus» previous activity in the temple (in the chronology of John " s narrative world) virtually guarantees the hostility of the temple authorities (2:14–22). Even in Jerusalem, however, public opinion is divided (perhaps partly abetted by the many Galileans and foreign Jews at the feast); only the leaders prove uniformly hostile, and even among them–albeit unknown to them–private dissenters exist (7:48–52). 1. The Source of Jesus» Teaching (7:14–18) The middle of the festival, close to its fourth day, would allow any Diaspora pilgrims who had been delayed to arrive and the festival to be at its height. Against the charge that Jesus leads the people astray as a false prophet would ( Deut 13 ), Jesus here emphasizes that he does not speak on his own authority (7:14–18). In 5:19–20 he emphasized his dependence as a son upon the Father; in this passage, he probably emphasizes his subordination as a true prophet of God. The true prophet like Moses would not speak presumptuously on his own but would speak the words God commanded him ( Deut 18:18–22 ). 6385 Jesus thus is «the prophet» (7:40), though he is ultimately much greater than Moses (7:37–39).

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βαλσαμουργα, Bereitung von Balsam: EustrTheotok 48 s.v. νρδος (And. Cret.).– L. βαλσαμοφρος Balsam tragend: χωρον GSync 358,12.– KumN, Stam. βαλσαμν, Garten mit Balsamsträuchern: SynaxCpl 104,48; 107,9. LascEp 115,1; App. III 2,33 (Blemm.).– L, Stam, (S. PLP). βλτα, (slav. blato) Sumpf: LeoTact I 282,3087. ALavra 14,13.17 (a.1008). AIv 52,271 (a.1104). Kekaum 172,27. AXer 9 А 26; В 39 (са.1270–74). Solov VIII 80 (а.1346). DelAn II 341,5.19; 347,10.12; 454,19.– Kr + XIII 297. βλτεον, τ (lat. balteum) Gürtel: LydMag 104,16. CodAstr VII 127,27 – βλτιον LSSup, DGE. βαλτηρς sumpfig: AIv 56,175 (a.1152), τν βαλτρν (sic) ακα Petit Notre 41,11 (a.1152).–HL -ερς. βαλτδιον, τ (lat. balteum) Gürtel: DeCerV 1134,4.12; -ιν II 41,9.14. -ιν OikList 95,17 (Philoth.).–L. βαλτζω sumpfig sein: -ζουσα λοστρα AIv 10,50 (a.996); id.29,60 (a.1047).– HL. βλτον, τ (slav. blato) Sumpf: LudwAnek 194,8. MM IV 386 (a.1267). ALavra 75,1.35 (a.1284); 101,22 (a.1306?). AChil 39,45.67 (a. 1318); 51,35 (a.1308, cf.DöReg 2624). DelAn II 307,15; 381,9.–Kr. βλτος, Sumpf: AIv 50,45f. (a.1101). AZog V 72 (a.l 142); LΙΙ 66 (a.1279, cf.AEsph 78). AChil 37,35 (a.1318), ν βλτ Stephanit 153,6. β. AZog LII 105 – Kr + XIII 297. βαλτοφρος Bull. Inst. Fr. Arch. Orient. 32,101 (BuckPet. 336). βαλτδης sumpfig: DeAdmΙmp 28,4. Stephanit 152,6 v.l.; 167,13. AIv 52,392 (a. 1104). Anna II 135,24; III 107,13; 169,13. PK 122.– Kr, KumN, Stam; -δη HL. βαλωτ, Ballota nigra, Schwarznessel: PaulAeg II 200,1. CodAstr VIII 2,160,17 – Duc; βαλλ. LS, DGE. βαμβακερς aus Baumwolle: - ληθιν νθδια (sc.μτια) KonstPorphMil С 294, μτια DeCer I 678,4. τουβα 8. φαπλματα MoneKot 332,39. aus orientalischem Papier: βιβλον MoneKot 331,33f.; ορτολγιον 332,25. παρακλητικ 27.– Kr + X vgl.-ηρς. βαμβκη, Baumwolle: SylTact 38,4.7; 39,1. TypKosm 49,20. Alchim 328,18; 366,21. βαμβακηνς aus orientalischem (Bombyzin-) Papier: βιβλον MM VI 241f. τετρδια 243. πατερικν 245 (а.1119–28). βαμβακηρς aus Baumwolle, baumwollen: βηλρια AIv 47,37f.43–47 (a.1098), νμα TypKechar 109,1595.1598. μτιον TypPant 65, 609, - (sc.σπρματα) Baumwollsamen, Baumwolle: κατασπεροντες -ηρ MM VI 96 (а.1118). aus orientalischem Papier: βιβλιδριον NoctPetrop 62,3. βιβλον Petit Notre 122,15–20. ψαλτριον 121,22. ρολγιον 122,21 (a.1449?),βαμπακηρν σημεωμα APantel 7,30 (а. 1142),– Duc, vgl, -ερς.

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But if «know» is the language of covenant relationship, such as in marital intimacy, it may imply that by virtue of the mutual indwelling of Jesus and believers (14:23; 15:4), believers shared the divine relationship. 7431 Reciprocal knowledge of Jesus and his own is rooted in the reciprocal relationship of Jesus and the Father. 7432 A new husband and wife may not yet have explored the fulness of their intimacy, but they had established a covenant relationship within which such exploration is invited. The rest of the Gospel confirms that such intimacy is indeed meant to be characteristic of believers; they are actually in Gods presence continually ( 14:17) and can continually learn from the Spirit the intimate matters of Jesus» heart and character (14:26; 16:13–15). 7433 Jesus» relationship with the Father–doing always what he sees the Father doing (5:19), doing always the things that please him (8:29), and their mutual love (3:35; 5:20; 10:17; 14:31; 15:9; 17:24, 26)–becomes a model for his followers» relationship with him. Such an emphasis also serves John " s apologetic interests: if believers rather than their accusers held such an intimate relationship with God, they were clearly God " s servants, persecuted like the biblical prophets (cf. Matt 5:12). 4C. Other Sheep and Jesus» Sacrifice (10:16–18) Some have suggested that the «other sheep» (10:16) are the next generation of believers, who have not personally seen the historical Jesus (17:20). But the pregnant imagery for Israel in the context suggests a play on the issue of the people of God, as does the language of scattering (10:12; cf. 11:52) and gathering (10:16). That John uses the imagery of the people of God, however, does not solve all the passagés potential interpretive dilemmas; presumably the original audience may have known what issues John was addressing, but reconstructing them at this distance is speculative. Some suggest that John may refer to the uniting of Ephraim and Judah under one shepherd in Ezek 37:22–24 , and that therefore the «other sheep» are the Samaritan believers of 4:39–42. 7434 In favor of such a suggestion is the clear mention of Samaritan believers in the Gospel, whereas fully Gentile believers may be merely inferred (depending on how one interprets «Greeks» in 12and perhaps 7:35). Against such a suggestion is the fact that the other sheep may not yet have heard Jesus» voice (10:16), in contrast to the Samaritans who had already received him (4:42); further, though the allusion to Ezek 37is probable here, it contextually includes the restoration of Diaspora Israelites to the land ( Ezek 37:21 ).

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6007         B. Ber. 34b; p. Ter. 1:6; Safrai, «Religion,» 802; cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 128; Tröster, «Quest»; esp., Finkelstein, Making, 333–84. Amoraim debated the later blessings under some circumstances (b. Ber. 41b). 6009 Some consider the feeding of the four thousand a doublet (e.g., Burkill, Light, 48–70), which is, not surprisingly, missing in John " s independent tradition. But this interpretation is disputable (Knackstedt, «Brotvermekrungen»; cf. Travis, «Criticism,» 160; English, «Miracle»). 6011 Longenecker, «Messiah,» thinks the lack of brokenness prefigures 19:33, 36; but such a connection demands much of the reader unless the omission appears very jarring. 6018 E.g., Ps.-Phoc. 138; Sipre Deut. 11.1.2; Luke 15:13. Johnston, «Version,» 154, cites b. Hu1. 105b and other texts. 6019 E.g., Sallust Cati1. 5.8; 52.7; Jug. 6.1; 16.4; Cato Dist. 3.21; Horace Sat. 1.1.101–107; 1.2.62; Ep. 1.15.26–27; Epodes 1.34; Cicero Sest. 52.111; Cat. 2.4.7; 2.5.10; Valerius Maximus 9.1.2; Musonius Rufus 19, p. 122.12–32; Aeschines Timarchus 30, 42, 53, 170; Lysias Or. 14.27, §142; 19.10, §152; Alciphron Farmers 32 (Gnathon to Callicomides), 3.34, par. 1; Plutarch Ale. 16.1; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.25.610; Athenaeus Deipn. 8.344b; Lucan C.W. 2.352–391; Juvenal Sat. 1.58–60; Musonius Rufus frg. 8 («That Kings Also Should Study Philosophy,» in Malherbe, Exhortation, 31); Diodorus Siculus 17.108.4; Arrian Alex. 7.28.3; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades) 1.4. There were some philosophical exceptions (Publilius Syrus 223), but indulgence was more characteristic of aristocrats like Tigellinus or Petronius. 6022 The view that the gathering of fragments symbolizes the gathering of God " s scattered children (11:52; Meeks, Prophet-King, 94, 98) is probably fanciful, as is Daubés proposed allusion to rabbinic traditions surrounding Ruth (Daube, «Gospels,» 342; see Ruth 2:17–18). 6027 For Moses as prophet, see Meeks, Prophet-King, 125–29, 137–38, 147–50, 173, 198–200, 220–26. Probably the Mosaic prophet is assumed in 1QS 9.11. 1Macc 4does not refer explicitly to a Mosaic eschatological prophet but could refer generically to the rising of any adequate prophet.

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10201 Cf. the mourning women of Luke 23:27, who may have provided a merciful narcotic (b. Sanh. 43a; Stauffer, Jesus, 135; Blinzler, Trial, 252–53). Some used pennyroyal or mint stored in vinegar to revive those who had fainted (Pliny Nat. 20.54.152); but these were probably not available. People could also use wine to deaden pain ( Prov 31:6–7 ; Tibullus 1.2.1–4; 1.7.39–42; Ovid Her. 14.42; Silius Italicus 13.273–275). 10206 Some (e.g., van der Waal, «Gospel,» 39) apply it more generally to Israel " s rejection of Jesus (1:11), but the Jewish identity of the torturer is not clear here, nor is this act the Gospel " s most decisive or climactic act of repudiation. 10209 «Javelin» appears in miniscule 476, probably accidentally; see Sanders, John, 409; Blinzler, Trial, 256 n. 38. Less probably, Schwarz, «Johannes 19.29,» suggests instead the misreading of the Aramaic «ëz as »êzôb, «switch» as «hyssop.» 10214 Clearly some Diaspora Jews applied the Passover to figurative or spiritual principles (Philo Sacrifices 63). Jewish people expected a new exodus (see comment on 1:23), which probably implied a new Passover of some sort (later, Exod. Rab. 19:6; Pesiq. Rab. 52:8). 10215 The contrast is often observed, e.g., Goguel, Jesus, 172; Stendahl, Paul, 74; Brown, Death, 34. 10218 So Stauffer, Jesus, 141. Later midrash could view «finished» in Gen 2in terms of dedication (Exod 39:32). 10219 Given the multiple attestation that it was the day of preparation for the Sabbath, most commentators concur that lesus was crucified on a Friday (see Brown, Death, 1350–51). 10221 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 271, suggest that kings nodded approval (citing Hom. Hymn, Hymn to Aphrodite 222, where Zeus does this; we might add Zeus in Maximus of Tyre Or. 4.8; 41.2; Callimachus Hymns 3 [to Artemis], lines 39–40; Athena in Callimachus Hymn 5 [on Pallas " s Bath], lines 131–136). 10223 E.g., Ovid Metam. 10.43 (exhalata anima); Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.14; T. Ab. 17A; L.A.E. 45(«gave up the spirit,» OTP2:286); 2 En. 70:16; cf. Jas 2:26. One also breathed out (e.g., Homer I1. 13.654, ποπνεωυ; Euripides Phoen. 1454, ξπνευσαν; Herac1. 566, κπνευσαι) onés life, or «breathed» (exanimatus est) onés last (Cornelius Nepos 15 [Epaminondas], 9.3).

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βλιον, τ Spielmarke, Loskugel, Würfel: VAlex 18,6. DeCerV II 144,5. DrexlTraum 65.66. AnonTraum 352,36. Gewicht: ζγια βλια EpBib 6,4. Geschoß, Kugel: JoKan 107.– LS, Kr, Duc, TLG, LexByz 190f. βολς, Lichtstrahl: CommArat Sch. 445. EustrTheotok 13 (Romanos). β. κα βροντ VDonat 30 М 12. Pfeil, Stichelei: μπαιγμος κα βολδας ScriptOr 46,9.– DGE, LS, L, Ren II, Kr, Duc. βλισμα, τ Senkblei, Lot: TheognMon 853D. NByzMo 772D=Zigab III 1345C.– (Stam). βολιστικς zum Loten: σδηρα DeCer I 672,9; 673,6 (cf. KukDiorth 84.102).– (LS), L, Stam, (KL). βολστρα, Katapult: StephProg 167,16.– HL s.v. βολστης. βολθριον, τ Ferkel: PhilesDüb 49,27 mss. (μολβριον ed., cf. LS). βολοθριοτρφος Ferkel nährend: ς τς -ους Philes I 92,19 (app.: leg. μολοβρ.). βλος, Tau: δρσος Suda, τ δκτυον κα δρσος EtymGudSte 277,17.– (LS, DGE), Tgl, Duc, (Kr). βολουντριος (lat. voluntarius) freiwillig: CAG XXI/II 296,33. π τς βολ. Bas В 505,33; βουλουμπτρια δαπανματα В 722,19.– TriantLex. βολοχρσανθον, τ σαγαπηνν DelAn II 308,16; 321,17. βομβζω dröhnen, summen: VBasVes I 14=VBasVil 13,7.– (LS, DGE); s. βομβζω. βμβαξ ein Ausruf: τ νν βμβαξ λεγμενον πππαξ λεγον ScholPlat Euthyd. 303a.– LS, DGE, Tgl βομβξ. βομβεω dröhnen, summen, brummen: Rom. XLIX 17,3 (Grosdidier SC 283). Eret 122,132.–Vgl. βομβω LS, DGE, Stam. βομβ, Gebrumm, Murren: MartSebast 199 C.3.–Vgl. βμβος LS. βμβηθρον, τ Hummel: NByzMo 757B (-υθρον ed.).– Vgl. βομβυλις LS, Stam. βμβημα, τ Dröhnen: σαλπιγγδει -μτι NChonOr 62,9.– L. βομβητικς summend, brummend: ργανον EustΙl 1372,40. ζωφιον EustOd 1591,34.– LS, DGE (Eust.). βομβκυμα, τ rauschende Welle: ScholOpp Hal. 5,222. βομβολαλω summend schwatzen: BlemCarm 129,42. βομβολλος dumpf redend, summend schwatzend: τς -ους ψευδες αγριτητας LascEp 131,26. βομβφωνος summend sprechend: AesP 81,5. βομβζω summen: DidymZach IV 8. βομβζει bilbit CorpGloss II 29,50.– Vgl. βομβρζω LS. βομβλιον, τ ein enghalsiges Gefäß, Kanne, Krug: gutus CorpGloss. βομβλον Suda=βμμυλον GennSchol VIII 430,26.– (LS), DGE; LS,DGE, AndrArch, Stam -ς.

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