| 8489 In Philo Spec. Laws 1.41 and Posterity 16, Moses» request becomes, εμφνισαν μοι σαυτν; Philo may have also viewed Moses» prophetic ecstasy as milder than Abraham " s or Balaam " s (Levison, «Prophecy in Philo»). For Israel " s desire to see God at the giving of the law, see, e.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3. 8490 For Philo, one could see God only if God manifested himself (Abraham 80; cf. Posterity 16); cf. Wis 1(God εμφανζεται himself to those who do not disbelieve him). 8495 For the Son acting only at the Father " s will, see further comment on 5:19, 30. «The words I speak to you» reflects consistent Johannine idiom (6:63). 8499 E.g., Aristotle Rhet. 2.20.4,1393b; see further Anderson, Glossary, 110–11, and sources there (esp. Quintilian 9.2.100–101). 8502 See, e.g., Kydd, Gifts; Irvin and Sunquist, Movement, 145–47; Shogren, «Prophecy»; sources in Schatzmann, Theology, 82 n. 40. 8510 Dietzfelbinger, «Werke.» On Jesus» activity as a broker or mediator, see more extended comment on 15:15. 8511 Ancients might attribute miracles to disciples of miracle workers, though usually somewhat less dramatically (Iamblichus V.P. 28.135; p. Ta c an. 3:8, §2). 8513 PGM 1.160–161,167,216–217; 12.316; Lucan C.W. 6.732–734; Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29. Pulleyn, «Names,» however, doubts that Greek religion attached magical efficacy to name invocation of its gods. 8514 For the sacred name of Israel " s God, Incant. Text 20.11–12; 69.6–7; CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; Γ. So1. 18:15–16; Pr. Jos. 9; b. Git. 68ab; Num. Rab. 16:24; also revelatory texts in Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. For Jewish support of, and opposition to, magic, see sources in Keener, Spirit, 29–30 n. 21. 8517 Though in a later period, Christian magical syncretism also appeared (see, e.g., Gitler, «Amulets»). 8518 Some were against petitionary prayer (Van der Horst, «Maximus»), but this was surely the exception. 8519 E.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38,451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13. Garland, Matthew, 79 notes that after Catullus piles up titles of Diana, he concludes, «whatever name you prefer» (Poems 34). |
| 5724 Manns, «Fête.» 5725 Bruce, Documents, 49; cf. Fenton, John, 67. On rabbinic development of that feast, see, e.g., Adler, «Rosh Hashanah.» 5726 Jub. 16:27; m. Git. 3:8; b. B. Mesi c a 28a (Tannaitic attribution); Sukkah 33b; Pesah. 34b (in 36a it is Pesach, but this is clear from the context); p. Git. 3:8, §4; Gen. Rab. 6:5, 35:3; Safrai, «Temple,» 894. Tabernacles was one of the most prominent feasts (Josephus Ant. 8.100). 5727 Brown, John, 1:206; cf. Yee, «Sabbath.» If John added the Sabbath to the original story (Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:681), the emphasis becomes all the clearer. 5728 See Yee, Feasts, 46–47. 5729 On John " s topographic accuracy, see, e.g., Hunter, «Trends»; Dunn, «John,» 299. 5730 Perkins, «John,» 959. 5731 βραστ is a typically Johannine way of citing Hebrew (5:2; 19:13,17,20; 20:16; Rev 9:11; 16:16; cf. John 1:38 ); Luke and Paul prefer βρας (Acts 6:1; 21:40; 22:2; 26:14; 2Cor 11:22 ; Phil 3:5 ; cf. also 4 Macc 12:7; 16:15). 5732 On the probability of this reading, see Wieand, «Bethesda,» 394–95; Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 29; Cullmann, Worship, 84–85 n. 2; Finegan, Archeology, 143; Wolters, «Copper Scroll» (citing 3Q15 11.12). Cf. the site near the temple in Josephus War 2.328. For the meaning, related to «pools,» see Görg, «Beckenhausen.» 5733 Cf. similarly Selkin, «Exegesis,» 188–89. 5734 For problems with the St. Annés site (as well as other proposed sites), see Selkin, «Exegesis,» 175–79. 5735 Wieand, «Bethesda,» 396–97; Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 28; Cornfeld, Josephus, 338,364; Finegan, Archeology, 145. An allegorical connection between the sheep pool and Jesus» «sheep» (10:1) is unlikely, given the proximity of the pool to Bethesda; on the sheep pool, Finegan, Archeology, 142–43. 5736 Yamauchi, Stones, 104. The term κολυμβθρα suggests a deep pool (Bernard, John, 1:226). 5737 Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 28. The view of some (e.g., Bruns, Art, 65; Ellis, Genius, 88; more skillfully, Selkin, «Exegesis,» 196) that they symbolize the five books of the Law seems to allegorize unnecessarily, despite references to the Law later in the chapter. |
| 2703 P. Git. 1:1, §1. For discussion of how a sender could nullify an agent " s task, see p. Git. 4:1, §1; the stricter rule required speaking to the agent (see m. Git. 4:1). 2704 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.88.2; Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Josephus Life 65, 72–73, 196–198; 2Macc 1:20. Cf. Zenós dispatch of two fellow scholars in his place in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2705 Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Josephus Ant. 8.220–221. 2706 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 272; Xenophon Anab. 5.7.18–19, 34; Apollodorus Epitome 3.28–29: Polybius 15.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.43.4; Diodorus Siculus 36.15.1–2; Dio Cassius 19.61; Appian R.H. 3.6.1–2; 3.7.2–3; 4.11; 8.8.53; Valerius Maximus 6.6.3–4. This was important, since receivers of news sometimes responded positively or negatively to messengers depending on the news they received (e.g., Homer Il. 17.694–696; 18.15–21; Euripides Medea 1125–1129; Appian R.H. 12.12.84; Arrian Ind. 34.4; 35.1; 2Sam 1:15; 18:20, 22 ; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.35, 37). 2707 Homer Il. 1.334; 7.274–282; 8.517; Aeschines Timarchus 21; Cicero Phi1. 13.21.47; Herodian 6.4.6. Ambassadors who risked their lives merited special honor ( Phil 2:25–30 ; Cicero Phi1. 9.1.2). 2708 M. Demai 4:5; t. Demai 2:20; cf. also Aeschines Timarchus 21. 2709 B. B. Qam. 102ab. 2710 Wenham, Bible, 114–15. In the broader Mediterranean culture, cf., e.g., Demosthenes Or the Embassy 4–5. 2711 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.9.3 (196 B.C.E.). 2712 E.g., the ideal herald Aethalides in Apollonius of Rhodes 1.640–648. 2713 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 292–293. 2714 The sense of a cognate noun and verb need not agree, but given the noun " s absence in the LXX and the verb s prominence there in a manner analogous to early Christian usage, it seems likelv that the noun here reflects a Christian usage coined to match the cognate LXX verb (albeit in less technical use in secular vocabulary). 2715 Joshua by Moses (Josh 14:7; cf. Josh 11:15); Barak by Deborah ( Judg 4:6 ); Saul " s messenger? ( 1Sam 19:20 ); David (allegedly) by Saul ( 1Sam 21:2 ); angels from God (e.g., Judg 13:8 ; Tob 12cf. Gen 24:7 ); cf. messengers in 1 Kgs 18:10; 19:2;2Kgs 1:2,6,9,11,13; etc. A disciple may be " sent» as his master " s representative (the false but believable claim in 2 Kgs 5:22; cf. 2 Kgs 9:1–4). |
| 6312 Jub. 16:27; m. Git. 3:8; b. B. Mesi c a 28a; Sukkah 33b; Pesah. 34b; p. Git. 3:8, §4; Gen. Rab. 6:5; 35:3. 6313 For comments on John " s geographical symbolism here, see Fortna, «Locale,» 85. Jesus» «walking» (7:1) may suggest the previous context (6:66; Michaels, John, 111), though geographical avoidance represents one characteristic Johannine function of the term (11:54; cf. 10:23; 11:9–10; 21:18). Cf. Jathanna, «Religious,» who finds in 7:1–14 contrasting models for religious behavior. 6314 That Jerusalem stands for the hostile «world» here is often acknowledged (e.g., Haenchen, John, 2:6). 6315 They do not doubt his miracles but want him to use them to become known (ibid.). 6316 For onés «time» (καιρς) as onés appointed hour of death, see 1Macc 9:10; most fully, comment on John 2:4 . 6317 Commentators often observe the parallel between the two pericopes (e.g., Hoskyns, Gospel, 311 ); the pattern appears to some degree also in 4:46–54; 11:1–44 (Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 68, following Giblin, «Suggestion»). 6318 Jesus also offers the disciples a sign to produce faith (11:15), whereas he resists his natural brothers» suggestion that he provide such (7:3). 6319 See Lewis, Life, 70 (for Egypt, where we have the most evidence). 6320 E.g., Demosthenes Against Stephanus 1.53; cf. DeSilva, Honor, 171–72. 6321 See, e.g., Xenophon Cyr. 8.7.14; DeSilva, Honor, 168 (citing Tob 5:8–14); though cf. Prov 27:10 . 6322 E.g., attributed to a demon in T. So1. 18:15; part of Socrates» tests of endurance in Seneca Ep. Luci1. 104.27; the cause of a young man " s suicide in Valerius Maximus 5.8.3. On the horror of intrafamily violence (though it goes far beyond the depiction of strife here), e.g., Diodorus Siculus 17.13.6; Appian C.W. 4.4.18; R.H. 7.5.28; Lucan C.W. 2.148–151; Ovid Metam. 1.144–148; Seneca Berief. 5.15.3; Josephus War 6.208–212. 6323 Pagans also could experience tension between familial responsibilities and those commissioned by a deity (e.g., the papyrus letter from 168 B.C.E. in Stowers, Letter Writing, 87–88). |
| 6581 Aristophanes Ach. 371–373. 6582 T. Hag. 1:2. The rabbis did require higher moral standards for the learned (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 190), but any who neglect Torah study or even listening to sages would be damned ( " Abot R. Nat. 36A). Priests were also trained in the Law (Sanders, Judaism, 178). 6583 Cf. m. «Abot 3(though contrast m. »Abot 4:8). 6584 M. " Abot 2:6, probably a hyperbolic way to underline the importance of learning Torah, but a not unnatural view, considering the price he himself reportedly had to pay to acquire learning. 6585 M. " Abot 3:10/11, unless it means death in the present world (also not a pleasant event). 6586 For the contrast, see, e.g., m. Git. 5:9; Hag. 2:7; t. Demai2:5,14–15,19; 3:6–7; 6:8; Ma c as. 2:5; on the Am Háarets, see also the excursus in Keener, Matthew, 294–96. 6587 Though the severest rabbinic accounts (including Akibás comments on his former antipathy toward scholars) may be intended hyberbolically (b. Ber. 61a; Pesah. 49b); cf. kinder sentiments in m. Git. 5:9; " Abot R. Nat. 16, 40A. Many see a reference to the Am Háarets here (e.g., Schnackenburg, John, 2:160; Barrett, John, 332; Hunter, John, 85; Brown, John, 1:325; cf., at more length, Karris, Marginalized, 33–41); Du Rand, « John 7:49 ,» allows that Jesus» followers may be viewed thus but notes that not all of them were Am Háarets (19:38–41). 6588 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.224. Josephus elsewhere appeals to Galilean populist support on his behalf against the Jerusalem aristocracy, distancing himself from it, both because of its purported role in the war and the rhetoric of egalitarianism popularized by propaganda concerning the princeps. 6589 E.g., Virgil Aen. 2.40–56; 11.243–295. 6590 Cf. similarly Jonge, Jesus, 29–30. 6591 See favorably τον νμον … των Εουδων, C7/2:34, §774 (third-century C.E. Phrygia). 6592 Wessel, «Mensch,» points out that the Law judges only those who know it (cf. Rom 2:12 ) and that Nicodemus " s title for Jesus in 7:51, τον νθρωπον, matches 19(but cf. 7:46). |
| 9165 While this discourse probably does date from the circles that produced 1 John, the π» ρχς is of itself inadequate to suggest the connection (pace the suggestion in Berg, «Pneumatology,» 171 n. 26). 9166 «Stumbling» refers to apostasy (see comment on 6:61). It is most frequent in Matthew and Mark but rare in Luke and John (probably not because of his Judean focus, as Swete, Discourse, 109, thinks). 9167 Apart from the conflict implied in 15:26–27, it appears to fit its context loosely; see comments above on the Paraclete sayings fitting their context. 9172 Philo Spec. Laws 1.54–55 (the interpretation is debatable); t. Sank. 11(although R. Eleazar ben Zadok " s view was a minority position; see m. Sanh. 8:7); 3Macc 7. 9174 Amoraic traditions speak of executing Jesus» disciples (e.g., b. Sanh. 43a, in Herford, Christianity, 90–95), but this may reflect rabbinic wish rather than fact. Martyn, Theology, 80–81, suggests that Ben Stada, said to be executed in rabbinic literature, was a Jewish-Christian rabbi rather than Jesus; but his evidence does not seem compelling. 9178 See, e.g., the discussion in Setzer, Responses, 172, including Justin " s claim that other peoples carried out the synagogue curses (Dia1. 96.2). 9179 See ÓNeal, «Delation»; corrupt leaders cultivated abuse of informers (e.g., Herodian 7.3.2; 7.6.4). 9180 Pliny Ep. 10.96–97; cf. Hemer, Letters, 67. Johnson, " Delatorum» suspects political reasons for the accusations, rooted in intraurban factionalism and city rivalries. 9181 Setzer, Responses, 114, doubts the specific claims of Mart. Po1. 17.2; 18.1. But such claims at the least reflect some early Christians» expectations concerning some leaders in the synagogue community. 9184 On the heavenly court, see, e.g., Keener, «Court»; it became dominant in Amoraic texts ( " Abot R. Nat. 32A; b. c Abod. Zar. 36a; B. Mesi c a 75a; 85b; 86a; Git. 68a; Mat 13b; Pesah. 53b; Sabb. 129b; p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; 11:5, §1; Gen. Rab. 49:2; 64:4; Exod. Rab. 12:4; 30:18; Lev. Rab. 11:8; 24:2; 29:1, 4; Num. Rab.3:4; 18:4; 19:3; Ruth Rab. 4:3,5; Ecc1. Rab. 1:11, §1; 2:12, §1; 5:11, §5; Song Rab. 3:11, §2; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 23:4; 24:11; Pesiq. Rab. 15:19). |
| 5602 See Witherington, Women, 61; for her as «a type of the Christian herald,» see Collins, Written, 16–19 (esp. 19). 5604 With Beck, Paradigm, 76. By believing for themselves, they move from secondhand signs-faith to a higher level of discipleship (Smith, John 121). 5606 Keener, Paul, 82–85,143–46, although the case there may be overstated (see Ilan, Women, passim; cf. Levine, «Women»; Van der Horst, «Beobachtungen»; Keener, «Woman»; idem, «Man»). Jewish teachers rejected most testimony from both Samaritans (e.g., m. Git. 1:5) and women (Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Yebam. 15:1,8–10; 16:7; Ketub. 1:6–9; t. Yebam. 14:10; Sipra VDDeho.pq. 7.45.1.1). 5608 E.g., Grassi, «Leadership Roles»; Hays, Vision, 155; Ingram, «Women»; Seckel, «Mere»; Scott, Sophia, 250–51; Trudinger, «Women»; Thiessen, «Women»; Bernabe Ubieta, «Mujer»; Fletcher, «Women»; Cheung, «Women»; Karris, Marginalized, 73–95; Chennattu, «Women in Mission»; cf. Ukachukwu Manus, «Woman» (applied to nation-building). Schneiders, «Testimony,» even suggests that her witness is central to the composite testimony standing behind this Gospel " s beloved disciple. 5610 ÓDay, Revelation, 77, suggests that this dialogue, like 4:7–15 and 4:16–26, opens with an imperative. 5612 Cf. Ovid Metam. 6.366, where Latona loses hunger, but because anger postponed it, not because of her divinity. 5615 Sipre Deut. 317.3.1–7; see more fully comment on John 6:32–51 . Enoch " s Similitudes may identify creation " s food with its thanksgiving (1 En. 69:24, MSS Β and C), but the reading is difficult. Moses on the mountain feasted on the Shekinah rather than food (Exod. Rab. 3:1). 5617 E.g., 1Macc 3:59–60; T. Iss. 4:3; «Abot R. Nat. 32, §71B. On doing God " s will, see also 1QS 5:9; m. »Abot 2:4; 3:7; «Abot 5MSS; Sipre Deut. 40.4.1; 40.6.1; 305.2.1; 306.28.2; »Abot R. Nat. 34A. «Fulfillment» can refer to God completing creation (Sib. Or. 1.21) or fulfilling his purposes in history (Sib. Or. 3.570–572); in the Fourth Gospel it always refers to God " s mission (5:36; 17:4, 23; 19:28, 30). |
| 2216 Gager, Anti-Semitism, 107–10; Arnold, Ephesians, 31–32; Goodenough, Symbols, 12:58–63; Hengel, Judaism, 1:241; Gaster, Studies, 1:356–60; even Moses came to be associated with magic (Apuleius Apologia in Stern, Authors, 2:201–5; Gager, Moses, 134–61). Jewish magic influenced Greco-Roman magic (cf. Deissmann, Studies, 277–300,321–36; Knox, Gentiles, 208–11; Koester, Introduction, 1:380–81). Among modern Yemenite Jews, cf. Hes, «Mon,» passim. 2217 Cf., e.g., Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69.6–7 (150); Pr. Jos. 9–12; T. Sol 18:15–16; b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 16:24; Isbell, «Story,» 13; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Tiede, Figure, 170. The name of Israel " s God (in various permutations) outnumbers any other deity in the papyri «by more than three to one» (Smith, Magician, 69); cf. also, e.g., CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168. 2218 On name invocation in general (some references including secret names), see Apuleius Metam. 2.28; Theissen, Stories, 64 (citing Lucian Menippus 9; Philops. 12; Plin. Nat. 28.4.6; PGM 4.1609–1611; 8.20–21); Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376. 2219 M. Sanh. 7:11; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Roš Haš. 3:8, §1; Sanh. 7:13, §2; Urbach, Sages, 1:97–100, 572: Bietenhard, «νομα,» 270. Note also Wis 17:7; Ps.-Phoc. 149; 1 En. 65(Sim.); Asc. Isa. 2:5; 2 Βαr. 60:2; 66:2; T. Reu. 4:9; cf. Sib. Or. 1.96. The rabbis recognized that not all sorcery was genuine (m. Sanh. 7:11; Sipra Qed. pq. 6.203.2.2; b. Sanh. 67b), although Amoraim stressed the dangers more (e.g., b. Hor. 10a; Sanh. 67b; Šabb. 66b; p. Ketub. 1:1, §2; cf. the amulets and charms in Goodenough. Symbols, 2:153–295), but even when genuine, rabbis stressed its limits (e.g., Gen. Rab. 11:5; Pesiq. Rab. 23:8; 43:6). 2220 See Goldin, «Magic»; Neusner, Sat, 80–81; b. Sanh. 65b; 67b; cf. " Abot R. Nat. 25 A (on R. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus); Basser, «Interpretations.» Such syncretism was not intentional; apparently even Jacob employed pagan fertility rituals in Gen. 30:37–42 , though he trusted that God was the one working through them (31:8–9, 12; cf. 28:15). Cf. also some Jewish polemic in b. Git. 56b-57a which may be rooted in earlier magical tradition (Gero, «Polemic»). Many societies believe that magic can be used either for good or for evil (e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 258–59). |
| 3533 1 En. 6(if Semyaza means «he sees the Name»); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 7 (citing 1 Chr 13LXX; m. Ber. 4:4; Yoma 3:8); Bowman, Gospel, 69–98, esp. 69–77. «The Name» appears as a title for Christ in Jewish Christian theology (Daniélou, Theology, 147–63; on 150 he finds this even as early as the NT: John 12with 17:5; Jas 2:7; 5:14). 3535 Isa 29:23; Ezek 39:7 ; 1 En. 9:4; Sipra Emor par. 11.234.2.3; b. Pesah. 53b; Šabb. 89b; p. Sanh. 3:5, §2; Num. Rab. 15:12; prayer on Samaritan bill of divorce (Bowman, Documents, 328); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:101–5; the «sacred letters» in Let. Aris. 98; cf. b. Šabb. 115b, bar.; Pesiq. Rab. 22:7; engraved on Israel " s weapons, Song Rab. 5:7, §1; 8:5, §1. One may also compare Matt. 6and its sources in the Kaddish and the third benediction of the Amidah (the latter is called «the sanctification of the name,» m. Roš Haš. 4:5); eschatological sanctification of the Name in Ezek 28:22; 36:23; 38:23; 39:7 ; and see comment on John 17:6, 17, 19 , below. 3536 E.g., Sir 23:9 ; Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sib. Or. 3.17–19 (probably pre-Christian); 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Ecc1. Rab. 3:11, §3; cf. Lev. 24:11,16 ; b. Sanh. 60a, bar.; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 268–69 (for alleged exceptions in the temple service, see m. Sotah 7:6; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2; Marmorstein, Names, 39; Urbach, Sages, 1:127; cf. Lemaire, «Scepter»); among the Samaritans, see Jeremias, Theology, 10 n. 1. The Qumran sectarians often wrote the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew letters (probably to show it special honor, but cf. Siegal, «Characters,» comparing the rabbinic teaching), as did early Greek OT manuscripts (see Howard, «Tetragram»). 3538 E.g., Pr. Jos. 9–12; Lad. Jac. 2:18; Incant. Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69:6–7 (Isbell, Bowls, 150); CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; T. So1. 18:15–16 (the Solomonic tradition recurs in b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 11:3); Smith, Magician, 69; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13; examples in Deissmann, Studies, 321–36; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Knox, Gentiles, 41–42. Cf. the namés power in Pesiq. Rab. 21:7; Urbach, Sages, 1:124–34; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 269; in Jewish mystical experience, see Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. Name invocation was common practice (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29; Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376; Koester, Introduction, 1:380). |
| 2665 Cf. Josephus Ant. 18.1, regarding Quirinius; Ant. 18.265, regarding Petronius; for the Latin equivalent, see Pliny Ep. 10.18.190–191. 2666 Zeno in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2667 Malherbe, Aspects, 102–3. Moxnes, «Relations,» 260, thus associates Jesus» sending of the Twelve with patrons delegating authority to clients to act on their behalf. 2668 Mylonas, Eleusis, 244. They somewhat resemble some traveling holy men who sought to spread their cults abroad, although the establishment generally viewed these as charlatans (Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 42). 2669 Cornutus 16.p. 20,18–19 (in Van der Horst, «Cornutus,» 169). 2670 Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.23. 2671 Epictetus Diatr. 4.8.31, my translation. Adinolfi, «L " invio,» differentiates the sending of Jesus from that of Cynic philosophers in that God was present in Jesus. 2672 Georgi, Opponents, 34; Malan, «Apostolate,» 57–58; against Schmithals, Apostle, 114–92. 2673 E.g., Prov 10:26; 13:17; 22:21; 25:13; 26:6 . 2674 See Cohen, law, 295–96 (citing Ulpian Digest 23.1.18); Friedländer, Life, 1:234. 2675 See the traditional Chinese custom in Jochim, Religions, 164; the Shona custom in Gelfand, «Disorders,» 158; and the Wolof and Kiga custom in Mbiti, Religions, 179. 2676 M. Qidd. 2:1. 2677 E.g., b. Qidd. 43a; Exod. Rab. 6(a parable attributed to R. Meir); 6:4. 2678 Τ Yebam. 4:4. 2679 B. Git. 23a; Qidd. 43a. 2680 Assumed in the parable in Gen. Rab. 8:3. 2681 CD 11.2 forbids the use of a foreigner to accomplish onés business on the Sabbath (cf. the later Jewish custom of the Sabbath goy); CD 11.18–21 forbids sending an offering to the altar by anyone unclean. «Send» had nontechnical uses as well; God would «send» deliverance by an angel in 1QM 17.6. 2682 Safrai, «Relations,» 205, citing, e.g., Epiphanius Haer. 25.11; Eusebius On Isa. 18:1; Theodosian Code 16.8,14. Cf. Nickle, Collection, 96; on the temple tax, see also Reicke, Era, 288. 2683 2Macc 1:18; Acts 9:2; 22:5; 28:21; cf. 1Macc 15:17; Let. Aris. 32; Safrai, «Relations,» 204–7. The «apostles» of CIJ 1:438, §611 may simply be «messengers of the congregation» in question (439; see m. Ber. 5:5). |
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