The cry «Hosanna!» renders the Hebrew of Ps 118:25 , 7820 and similar Hebrew cries for salvation could address kings ( 2Sam 14:4; 2 Kgs 6:26); coupled with the branches (see below), this suggests that the crowds hoped for him as a king or national deliverer. 7821 Hence he is «king of Israel,» as Nathanael recognized (1:49). In John " s Gospel this royal expectation recalls 6:15, but on this occasion Jesus does not retreat, for his hour of enthronement on the cross is approaching. Ironically, the leaders of his people will claim no king but Caesar (19:15). 3. Scripture Fulfilled (12:14–16) The disciples did not recognize the allusion to Zech 9:9 7822 until after Jesus» death and resurrection (12:14–16), 7823 obvious as it may seem in retrospect. 7824 If extant later sources may reflect ideas circulating in the late first century, they suggest that this verse was understood messianically in early Judaism. 7825 Most ancient Mediterranean hearers would honor the image of a ruler who was merciful and kind to his enemies. 7826 John " s special touch is evident even in the details. It was not an unusual practice to abbreviate a narrative by omitting intermediaries, 7827 as Matthew seems to do on some occasions (Matt 8/Luke 7:3–4; Matt 9/ Mark 5:35 ); thus no one will be alarmed that Jesus himself «finds» the donkey (12:14), in contrast to the fuller version in the probably more widely circulated version of the passion week ( Mark 11:1–6 ). 7828 After all, even in that version, Jesus was ultimately responsible for locating the donkey ( Mark 11:2 ). But what is most theologically significant is that in John " s language Jesus finds the donkey–just as he gives the sop (13:26) and in other ways shows himself sovereign over the details of the Passion Narrative. That the disciples did not understand at first fits John " s version of the Messianic Secret. After Jesus» glorification, the Spirit would come (7:39) and cause the disciples to remember Jesus» message (14:26); his glorification thus allowed the disciples to recall Jesus» action and understand it in light of Scripture here (12:16). John had earlier offered a similar comment about the disciples after the resurrection remembering Jesus» costly zeal for the temple (2:22). The repetition suggests a key hermeneutical point for John: the biblical record and Jesus» ministry and glorification should be read in light of one another, led by the Spirit who continues his presence. 4. Immediate Responses to Jesus» Entry (12:17–19)

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At the same time, the author " s mark is clearly on the materia1. The Gospel " s «Jews» who sent the priests and Lévites (1:19) were Pharisees (1:24), but early first-century Pharisees as a group did not exercise authority over priests and Lévites (see also comment on 7:32). This is not to suggest that John reports no historical tradition here–he clearly does depend on some prior tradition (Luke 3:15); but the role of the Pharisees suggests that he couches his tradition in language relevant for his audience. Some Pharisees were involved in some such missions. Before 70, priestly leaders, perhaps with some Pharisees (Josephus Life 21) sent three priests to try to bring Galilee to peace (Life 28–29), and the Galileans had to heed them (Life 72–73). To restrain Josephus, Jerusalem " s chief priests sent some learned aristocrats, including three Pharisees (one of whom was a priest; Life 196). Yet the Pharisees hardly controlled the priests of Jesus» day, whereas some successors of the Pharisees appear to have been gaining an increasingly dominant role in the Palestinian Judaism of the Fourth Gospel " s day. Further, the Baptist " s self-abasement regarding his role vis-à-vis that of Christ, while not a Johannine invention (e.g., Luke 3:15–17), 3799 reflects Johannine emphasis and possibly polemic. 3800 Like other early Christian writers who adapted the original form of Jesus» divorce logion to different contexts (e.g., Roman law in Mark), 3801 or like Qumran " s interpreters applying the sense of biblical texts directly to their own generation, the writer of the Fourth Gospel updates his language to speak directly to the hearers of his day. 3802 (It goes without saying that this section, like all John " s Gospel, would abound with typical features of Johannine style.) 3803 Those interested in historical tradition will find plenty of it here; those interested in examining Johannine theology through the Gospel " s themes will also be amply rewarded by an analysis of this section. 1. Those Who Were Sent (1:19, 24)

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The chapter also reflects standard Jewish motifs, such as the unity of God " s people, their love for God, God " s glory, obedience to God " s message, the election and setting apart of God " s people, and the importance of obeying God " s agent (Moses in Jewish tradition). One writer links such motifs specifically to the Cairo Geniza manuscript of the Palestinian Targum to Exod 19–20, 9387 another points to parallels with a hymn from Qumran; 9388 in short, most of the motifs reflect common Judaism, yet reinterpreted in a christocentric manner and reapplied to the christologically defined community. Further, to whatever degree John has adapted the discourse and prayer to encourage his audience in their particular situation, 9389 it is clear that a prayer of Jesus before his passion already stands in the passion tradition ( Mark 14:36 ). 9390 But whereas, in Mark, Jesus prays for the Father to spare him from the passion if possible ( Mark 14:36 ), here he recognizes and accedes to the Father " s purpose, requesting the hour of glorification (17:1). 9391 John does not deny Jesus» reluctance to face the cross (12:27) but places heavier emphasis on Jesus» obedience. 9392 Traditionally some have viewed Jesus» intercession in this passage in terms of the OT role of high priest 9393 (Jesus» role in some early Christian traditions; Heb 2:17; 3:1; 4:14–15; 5:10; 6:20; 7:26; 8:1; 9:11); the chapter title «Jesus» High-Priestly Prayer» has circulated since the theologian David Chyträus (1531–1600). 9394 But Jewish tradition also emphasized the intercessory role of prophets; 9395 more significantly, the probably testamentary character of the final discourse might point to patriarchal blessings, 9396 particularly the prayer and blessing of Moses ( Deut 32–33 ), 9397 as background. But because the content of these blessings does not parallel John 17 very closely, 9398 » one may need to look to the experience of John " s audience for more of the content. A variety of backgrounds are possible, but most important within the context of the Fourth Gospel is that Jesus becomes, before his exaltation, the first Paraclete, or intercessor ( Rom 8:26; 1 John 2:1 ; see extended comment on 14:16). 9399 This suggests that John 17 models part of the ministry of the Paraclete who would come after Jesus» departure (14:16) and of those who share his ministry (15:26–27). 9400 The Fourth Gospel presents the Paraclete especially as an advocate or prosecutor in the disciples» conflict with the world, but Jesus has also been promising them more direct access to the Father in prayer once he goes to the Father (14:13–14; 15:7, 16; 16:26–27).

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Although the disciples did not immediately recognize Jesus, as in 20(on his temporary unrecognizability, see comment there), the miracle revealed him at least to the beloved disciple. The world did not know Jesus (1:10), but his own recognized him when he called them by name (20:16) or they heard his voice (10:3; 21:5–7). The beloved disciple here, as in 20:4–8, proves quicker to believe than Peter (see comment there on the significance of such comparisons); some sort of competition, albeit on a collégial level, seems to continue in the background here (21:20). If the disciple whom Jesus loved is assumed to be one of the disciples of 21(which is almost certainly understood to be the case), he could be Thomas or Nathanael if willing to name himself; otherwise he is one of Zebedeés sons (as church tradition holds) or one of the two anonymous disciples (protecting still more fully his anonymity, more in accordance with most contemporary scholarly views). 10878 Once Peter recognized Jesus, however, he immediately came to him (21:7); this suggests his zealous love for Jesus (cf. 10:4; 21:15–17). 10879 The narrative of Peter " s coming to Jesus for the breakfast prepared on shore illustrates another principle the Gospel previously articulated: those who come to him will not hunger (6:35). While one could read 21as claiming that Peter was working completely naked (a frequent use of γυμνς and one not unexpected for work), 10880 this might not fit as well what we know about Palestinian Judaism or about the sort of conservative Diaspora Jewish communities from which most early Christians came. 10881 Further, he had been laboring during the night (21:3), and it was only now daybreak (21:4), so the air may have been cooler than during the day. The term «naked» also applied to having little clothing or being less than fully clothed; 10882 it could apply even to being without armor or shield. 10883 Possibly, Peter had removed his outer garment for work 10884 but now clothed himself more appropriately out of respect for the teacher. 10885 Perhaps Peter was wearing one of his garments loosely, since normally one would not simply don a garment before hurling into water; then, as today, people recognized that it was much easier to swim naked! 10886

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Jesus may have withdrawn from public baptisms at this point to avoid competing with John, and so weakening John " s position before the Pharisees. 5230 But the Fourth Gospel may emphasize Jesus» withdrawal for the same reason it emphasizes that his disciples baptized rather than he himself (4:2): it emphasizes that Jesus will baptize in the Holy Spirit (1:33), 5231 which is not yet possible in the story world (7:39). Of course, even the comment that Jesus did not himself baptize probably preserves early tradition; the Synoptics certainly provide no indication that he baptized. Further, it may have been common practice that the leader of the party did not baptize. 5232 But in the context of the Gospel " s whole water motif, pneumatology and Christology, John may de-emphasize Jesus» baptism after mentioning it to retain the emphasis on Jesus» greater baptism to come once he is glorified (cf. 3:5; 7:37–39). See further comments on 3:26. 3B. Samaria (4:4) A number of scholars have proposed a Samaritan or partly Samaritan context for the Fourth Gospe1. 5233 Although a fully Samaritan context is unlikely, a Galilean interest in the Samaritan mission is likely, given its successes (Acts 8:12–17,25); 5234 thus a Johannine interest in the subject is likely. (Some also suggest that the early Samaritan mission had proved controversial and required legitimation; 5235 while this observation may be true in the early period, it would probably not be relevant by John " s day.) Another cause for interest may be that Samaritans are among the closest parallels (excepting two stories in the Synoptic tradition) in Jesus» ministry to the interest of Gentile God-fearers which the Johannine community was still encountering in its day. Further, Samaritans would be known by at least some people outside Palestine, due to the Samaritan Diaspora. 5236 Both in Eretz Israel and in the Diaspora, Samaritans spoke Greek and were substantially hellenized 5237 (although also probably as orthodox as most Judeans; see comment below). Nevertheless, many Diaspora Christians would know little about Samaritans beyond what they found in the gospel traditions (hence cultural explanations such as 4:9); 5238 it may be noteworthy that the NT epistles never allude to them (although even such Gospel staples as Pharisees occur only rarely in relevant passages, e.g., Phil 3:5 ). This may suggest a genuinely Palestinian tradition.

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The present description of the report of Lazarus " s raising (12:17), like the account of Lazarus " s raising itself, somewhat resembles the description of the future resurrection (5:28: μνημεον; φωυ/φωνω), functioning as a public advance notification of that day. Those who had believed (11:44) now functioned as witnesses (12:17), which fits John " s paradigm for discipleship. The interest of the crowds (12:18) again shows that John recognizes the diverse Jewish responses to Jesus; his «enemies» are not his fellow Jews, but the «Pharisees» (12:19). That the Pharisees tell one another, «You are doing no good» (12:19), is vintage Johannine irony; 7829 they mean, «We have proved ineffective in stopping Jesus» («profit nothing,» as in 6:63), but they actually comment on their own deficit of righteousness. Further, their complaint about «the world» is telling; they may mean «the rabble,» but their words become an unintended prophecy (cf. 11:51) of Gentiles turning to Jesus (12:20; cf. 11:48), 7830 which must have been compounding the offense of Christianity for the enemies of John " s audience. 7831 As in 11:48, their words are also exaggeration on a literal level even for John; every member of the world follows Jesus no more than every individual already honors the Father (5:23); John is not a universalist. But the word becomes widespread and crosses all boundaries of culture and geography. Gentiles and the Cross (12:20–36) The rest of the chapter (12:20–50) moves directly into the passion. 7832 The Pharisees had unwittingly prophesied the coming of Gentiles to Jesus (12:19); proleptically this coming begins in 12:20–21. The coming of Gentiles (12:20–21) marks the final prerequisite for the «hour» of Jesus» glorification (12:23). 7833 1. The Coming of Gentiles? (12:20–22) John could intend Diaspora Jews here, 7834 perhaps as representatives of the Gentiles. 7835 More likely, however, John has Gentile Greeks in view (see comment on 7:35); 7836 as Brown points out, nothing less dramatic than «the understanding that the first Gentiles have come to Jesus explains his exclamation that the hour has come» (12:23). 7837 Many Diaspora Jews did come to the feasts (Josephus War 5.199), though probably not frequently. 7838 But many interested Gentiles would also attend; 7839 most of these would have been «God-fearers,» a widely attested class of Gentiles interested in Judaism. 7840 Probably a fairly large percentage of the visiting Greeks would be from the region, especially from Syria and the Decapolis. 7841

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As a shepherd, Peter must face death (21:18–19), as his good shepherd had (10:11, 15, 17–18); as one of the sheep, 10945 Peter must «follow» Jesus (21:19; 10:4–5, 27)–even to death (13:36–37). 10946 Peter would not always have the vigor that he had devoted to Jesus that morning (cf. 21:7, 10–11; 1 John 2:14 ). Other ancient texts also present powerlessness in terms of dependence; 10947 Diogenes the Cynic reportedly told a man whose servant was putting on his shoes that he would ultimately have to depend on the man to wipe his nose as well j Diogenes Laertius 6.2.44). A third-century Palestinian Amora opined that God might punish a person by withdrawing the person " s control over his members so that another would have power to do that person harm (Gen. Rab. 67:3). The description of dependence here could apply simply to old age, 10948 which could sometimes incline judges and observers toward mercy; 10949 but the language of «stretching out the hands» probably suggests more than merely the dependence of old age. Usually it indicates the image of supplication, 10950 but here it may refer to voluntarily submitting onés hands to binding, which preceded execution. 10951 In view of 21:19, Jesus is explaining that when Peter is old and dependent, he will suffer execution. Second Peter 1:14, probably independently of John, suggests the tradition that Jesus showed Peter that he would die. Early Christian tradition reports that Peter died by crucifixion, 10952 probably upside down, 10953 finally «following» (21:19) Jesus fully (13:36); early Christian texts applied «stretching out onés hands» to crucifixion. 10954 Many commentators thus see crucifixion implied here. 10955 Whether the specific picture of crucifixion is present here or not (it probably is), Peter " s martyrdom certainly follows Jesus. Jesus explained here by what sort of death Peter would glorify God (21:19), just as he had earlier explained by what sort of death (12:33, also using σημανων) he himself would glorify God (12:23; 13:31–33; just as Lazarus " s death glorified Jesus by allowing him to raise Lazarus, 11:4). Jewish hearers might express little surprise that Jesus would predict the manner of Peter " s death for him. 10956 That Peter understands that Jesus refers to his death is likely; this is why he wants to know the beloved disciplés fate, but Jesus refuses to comment on that disciplés death (21:21–23). Peter had earlier volunteered to «follow» Jesus to the cross (13:37), but Peter had failed to do so (13:38); now Jesus explains to him that he will in fact be able to «follow» Jesus to the cross later, as he had told him more ambiguously before (13:36). 10957 The Beloved Disciplés Future (21:20–23)

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Throughout the Fourth Gospel, Jesus utters words on a deeper level of meaning, words that can be misconstrued (e.g., 3:3–4; 4:10–11, 14–15; 6:63). Unlike his brothers, Jesus cannot simply go to the feast at any time; his interest in going to the feast is not merely to perform the ritual of attendance but to obey the leading of his Father (see comment on 3:8). He may not deceive them, but he does not begin at the feast the way they had advised: they wanted him to show himself (φανρωσον) and not remain in secret (ev κρπτω, 7:4); here he begins his time in Jerusalem «not openly» (φανερς) but in secret (ν κρπτω, 7:10). That Jesus could blend into the crowds (7:10–11) may implicitly underline the character of his incarnation (1:14). Business documents frequently listed distinctive features in a transactor " s appearance, such as placement of scars. 6358 Far more important, where relevant, ancient biography stressed personal appearance, though it is missing in many ancient biographies. 6359 It was also common (though not essential) to epideictic speeches; 6360 legends and novels also often praised the great beauty of their heroes. 6361 Some ancient teachers even thought that they could determine peoplés character based on their face, form, and the way they carried themselves. 6362 Frequently ancient heroes were taller or more attractive than their contemporaries, inviting respect, among both men ( 1Sam 9:2; 10:23; 16:7, 12 ) 6363 and women; 6364 exceptions did, however, exist. 6365 Even the odd description of Paul in the second-century novel Acts of Paul and Thecla fits the usual pattern of ancient heroic descriptions. 6366 The possibly first-century C.E., lower-class Life of Aesop describes Aesop " s ugliness, «not for its own sake but, as with Socrates, for the spice of contrast it gives to his intellectual elegance.» 6367 Beauty was treated as a natural virtue, 6368 hence the beauty of heroes seems to have been the most common norm, though Jews would undoubtedly have defined that beauty in terms of darker complexion than would have been customary in traditional northern Mediterranean literature. 6369 (Among northern Mediterranean people, most classical heroes 6370 and deities 6371 were blond, which usually characterized beauty [Longus 1.17], and white skin characterized feminine 6372 and occasionally masculine 6373 beauty.)

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Jesus revealed to the disciples God " s «name» (17:6), partly meaning his honor 9437 but very probably also implying his character and identity (14:9; 17:26). 9438 Acting by God " s name could represent dependence on God (e.g., 1QM 11.3). When God acted in history, he often did so for the sanctifying of his name, 9439 as he would do also at the final day. 9440 God expected his people to sanctify his name (kiddush haShem was central to Jewish ethics), especially by righteous deeds. 9441 Some rabbis opined that God " s name was hidden in the present age but would be revealed in the coming age; 9442 Jesus» revelation of the Father " s name is thus consonant with John " s emphasis on realized eschatology. Moses sought to know God " s «name» to reveal God to the people (Exod 3:13; cf. 33:18; 34:6–7); here Jesus provides his disciples, who are like Moses, with the same privilege. 9443 This experience would continue more fully after Jesus» glorification (14:21). That Jesus» disciples kept the word he gave them (17:6; cf. 8:51; 14:23; 15:20), as Jesus kept the Father " s (8:55), may recall the obedience of Moses but probably reflects more generally the obedience of Israel or a faithful remnant within Israel ( Deut 33:3, 9 ) . 9444 Yet in giving them the Father " s word (17:6, 8), Jesus is again greater than Moses, who gave the word to Israel; in John " s language, the law was given «through» Moses, but the actual giver of the law was God himself (1:17; cf. 6:32); thus the passage again portrays Jesus in a divine role. At the same time, Jesus remains subordinate to the Father, emphasizing that whatever he gave the disciples was from the Father (17:7). Perhaps, in the language of Exodus, Jesus is the «angel of YHWH» (Exod 3:2), but in the language of John (1:1–18) and of the early Jewish context he reflects, Jesus is divine Wisdom, which imparts God " s teachings to Moses and all those who will hear (e.g., Wis 7:27; 10:16; 11:1). The disciples realized that all that the Father had given Jesus was genuinely from the Father (17:7), in this case referring especially to Jesus» message (17:8; cf. 12:47–50; 16:15). That the Father had «given» disciples to Jesus (17:9; also 17:24) reiterates a striking image in the Fourth Gospe1. Early Judaism taught that Israel as a whole was predestined (see comment on 6:43–44), but like some other early Jewish Christian writers (e.g., Rom 9:6–32 ; Eph 1:4–5 ), John emphasizes the predestination of individuals in Christ through their faith in Christ. Jesus prays on behalf of the disciples (17:9) in a way that provides a model for how disciples will soon be authorized to pray for themselves in his name (16:26–27).

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Craig S. Keener The ultimate model for love and service. 13:1–38 THE FOOT WASHING IN JOHN is the narrative introduction for the final discourse, part of the lengthy prolegomena to the Passion Narrative. Jesus» impending death dominates this scene. It intersperses Jesus» words and example of service (13:1, 3–10, 12–17, 31–35) with foreshadowings of his betrayal (13:2, 10–11, 18–30), then opens directly into discussion about Jesus» departure by way of the cross (13:36–38; 14:3–6). 8048 This scene therefore paves the way for the Farewell Discourse (13:31–17:26). 8049 By the foot washing Jesus prefigures his impending glorification, which is the theological subject of most of the context (12:16, 23, 28,41; 13:31–32). This act identifies Jesus as the Suffering Servant and defines his passion as an act of loving service. At the same time, however, it also summons Jesus» followers to imitate his model, serving and loving one another to the extent of laying down their lives for one another (13:14–16, 34–35). The Setting (13:1–3) John again links Jesus» imminent «hour» with the Passover season (13:1). (On the «hour,» see comment on 2:4; cf. 12:23.) In contrast to the Synoptic picture of the Last Supper, however, Jesus» closing hours before his arrest in this Gospel are «before» Passover (13:1). This detail fits John " s chronology (13:29; 18:28; 19:14, 31, 42), 8050 which ultimately supports his portrayal of Jesus as the paschal lamb (1:29,36; 19:36). At this point, however, John underlines a different aspect of the chronology: Jesus loved his own «to the end» (13:1). This is Johannine double entendre: it can imply «to the utmost,» «fully,» as well as «to the point of his death.» 8051 Such a double entendre reinforces the measure of God " s love in the Fourth Gospel (3:16) and early Christianity ( Rom 5:5–9 ): Jesus» death. The preceding context also illustrates Jesus» love (11:5) that would cost him his life (11:7–16), but here the specific objects of his love in the Lazarus story give way to all of «his own» (cf. 10:3) who would be remaining in the world (17:11).

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