10 tiny churches around the UK Source: The Guardian October 16, 2016 Dixe Wills set off on a pilgrimage round Britain in search of diminutive places of worship. Here he picks 10 of the most unusual, from a chapel built by prisoners of war in the Orkneys to a plywood labour of love in a Norfolk garden. While only one of these churches is Orthodox, many of them can be of interest to Orthodox readers as they are under the patronage of pre-schism Western saints rightly venerated by the Orthodox.      St Thomas à Becket, Fairfield, Kent In a flat, lonely corner of Romney Marsh, this church is blessed with an atmospheric beauty that is only enhanced by its desolate surroundings. The steeply pitched red-tiled roof of the nave, topped by a bell-cote that resembles a castle turret, marks the building out from the common stock. If it looks familiar it may be because it featured in the recent television and cinema adaptations of Dickens’ Great Expectations. The church today is the result of many piecemeal building efforts but, overall, it is how it would have looked in the 18th century. By rights, it shouldn’t be here at all. Fairfield has always had an atomised population and so its church was built with the idea that it might not be needed for very long. Thus a small lath-and-plaster structure was first thrown up on this spot at some time around 1200. The Italian Chapel, Orkney Photograph: Alamy    In January 1942, the small, northerly isle of Lamb Holm became home to some of the 1,200 Italian soldiers brought to Orkney. Although the prisoners built themselves a theatre and a recreation hut, they lacked a chapel. After some gentle cajoling, the camp padre with the artist, Domenico Chiocchetti, got the prisoners permission to erect a chapel from two Nissen huts, joined end to end. Visit the chapel today and you’ll see what an extraordinary job the Italian soldiers did – they plasterboarded the huts, fashioned an altar out of concrete and installed windows filled with painted glass. Chioccetti himself painted the sanctuary and his Madonna and Child altarpiece is the chapel’s crowning glory. In 1960, the BBC paid for him to freshen up his masterpiece. He returned four years later, this time bearing a gift of 14 stations of the cross, which can still be seen in the chapel. St Swithun-upon-Kingsgate, Winchester, Hampshire

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Лит.: Auerbach E. Der Wechsel des Jahres-Anfangs in Juda im Lichte der neugefundenen Babylonischen Chronik//VT. 1959. Vol. 9. P. 113-121; idem. Die Umschaltung vom Judäischen auf den Babylonischen Kalender//Ibid. 1960. Vol. 10. P. 69-70; Moor J. C., de. New Year with Canaanites and Israelites. Kampen, 1972. 2 vol. (Kamper Cahiers; 21-22); Clines D. J. A. The Evidence for an Autumnal New Year in Pre-Exilic Israel Reconsidered//JBL. 1974. Vol. 93. N 1. P. 22-40 (Idem// Idem. On the Way of the Postmodern. Sheffield, 1998. Vol. 1. P. 371-394); Kedar-Kopfstein B. Hag//ThWAT. 1977. Bd. 2. S. 730-744; Kutsch E. «(?)am Ende des Jahres»: Zur Datierung des israelitischen Herbstfestes in Ex 23:16//ZAW. 1981. Bd. 83. N 1. S. 15-21; Mach D. Feste und Feiertage. III. Judentum//TRE. 1983. Bd. 11. S. 107-115; Otto E. Feste und Feiertage: II. Altes Testament//Ibid. S. 96-106; Kronholm T. Sâkak//ThWAT. 1986. Bd. 5. S. 838-856; Levine B. A. Leviticus. Phil., 1989. (JPSTC); Toorn K., van der. The Babylonian New Year Festivals: New Insights from the Cuneiform Texts and their Bearing on Old Testament Study//Congress Volume: Leuven, 1989/Ed. J. A. Emerton. Leiden, 1991. P. 331-339. (VTS; 43); Hartley J. E. Leviticus. Dallas, 1992. (WBC; 4); Klein J. Akitu//ABD. 1992. Vol. 1. P. 138-140; Reeves J. C. The Feast of the First Fruits of Wine and the Ancient Canaanite Calendar//VT. 1992. Vol. 42. N 3. P. 350-361; Rochberg-Halton F. Calendars. Ancient Near East//ABD. 1992. Vol. 1. P. 810-814; Vanderkam J. C. Calendars, Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish//Ibid. P. 814-820; Cohen M. E. The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East. Bethesda, 1993; Staubli T. Die Bücher Levitikus, Numeri. Stuttg., 1996. (NSK.AT; 3); Houtman C. Bundesbuch: Ein Kommentar. Leiden; N. Y., 1997. S. 294-311. (DMOA; 24); Pardee D. Dawn and Dusk: (The Birth of the Gracious and Beautiful Gods)//The Context of the Scripture/Ed. W. W. Hallo, K. Lawson Younger. Leiden, 1997. Vol. 1. P. 275; Grünwaldt K. Das Heiligkeitsgesetz Levitikus 17-26: Ursprüngliche Gestalt, Tradition und Theologie.

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Feuerbach L. Das Geheimnis des Opfers oder der Mensch ist was er isst//Ludwig Feuerbach Sämtliche Werke/Ed. W. Bolin, F. Jodl. Bd. 10. Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 1960. S. 41–67. Fiebig P. Das Vaterunser. Ursprung, Sinn und Bedeutung des christlichen Hauptgebetes. Gutersloh, 1927. Furnish V. P. The Moral Teaching of Paul. Nashville, 1979. Giraudo C. La struttura letteraria della preghiera eucaristica. Roma, 1989. Goar J. Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum. Venezia, 1730 (Graz, 1960). Grabar A. L’âge d’or de Justinien. De la mort de Théodose à l’Islam. Paris, 1966. Grumel V. L’auteur et la date de composition du tropaire Μονογενς//Revue des études byzantines 132. 1923. P. 398–418 Herman E. Die häuftige und tägliche Kommunion in den byzantinischen Klöstern//Memorial L. Petit. Bucharest, 1948. P. 203–217. Hill D. The Gospel of Matthew. London, 1972. Hollemann A. W. J. Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1786 and the Relationship between Ancient Greek and Early Christian Music//Vigiliae Christianae 26. No 1, 1972. P. 1–17. Howard Marshall I. Last Supper and Lord’s Supper. Paternoster, 2005. Humphreys C. The Mystery of the Last Supper. Cambridge, 2011. Hurtado L. W. Lord Jesus Christ. Devotions to Jesus in Earliest Christianity. Grand Rapids; Cambridge, 2003. Hurtado L. W. One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism. 2nd ed. Edinburgh, 1998. Hutcheon C. R. “A Sacrifice of Praise”: A Theological Analysis of the Pre-Sanctus of the Byzantine Anaphora of St Basil//St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 45:1. 2001. P. 3–23. Jacob A. Histoire du formulaire grec de la Liturgie de Saint Jean Chrysostome. Louvain, 1994. Jacob A. Le chandelier à trois branches de l’évêque Pantoléon: A propos de l’inscription de Georges de Gallipoli//Bolletino della Badia greca di Grottaferata, 1999. Vol. 53. P. 187–199. Jaubert A. La date de la Cène. Calendrier biblique et liturgie chrétienne. Paris, 1975. Jeremias J. Abba. Studien zur neutestamentlichen Theologie und Zeitgeschichte. Göttingen, 1966.

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130 Origen describes the power enjoyed by the Jewish patriarch in his own day, which made him, by imperial concession, συγχωροντος το βασιλως, a virtual king of the Jewish folk. He continues: ‘There even take place trials according to the law of Moses, secretly [or ‘quietly’, λεληθτως] and men are condemned to death, neither entirely openly, nor yet without the knowledge of the emperor.’ Juster exalted this into a proof a fortiori of unfettered jurisdiction before 70. But he paid no attention to the qualification λεληθτως. Mommsen saw that this suggests a situation, which is equally possible for the pre-70 period, in which the municipal government took as much rope as it dared. The most likely solution is that the Sanhedrin was allowed in the procuratorial period a limited criminal jurisdiction, both for police purposes in the Temple area and for the maintenance of the Jewish law. The scriptural tradition, both in Acts and the Gospels, suggests that the Roman procurators objected to capital sentences for theological offences. But the fairly well-attested question of adultery is different. Juster oddly makes no use of the story in John of the stoning of the woman taken in adultery. 131 Even if this story is not textually canonical it is historically good material. Perhaps it is too ambivalent for Juster: no Sanhedrin is mentioned and the story suggests a lynching. Yet here is an offence of which the Roman public law itself had recently taken cognizance in the lex Iulia de adulteriis, though not as a fully capital crime. This is the sort of local custom which might be ratified under the Roman system of toleration. But, as the evidence stands, the only certain exception to the general rule that the municipal authorities of the Empire were refused capital jurisdiction is that the Sanhedrin possessed certain powers of this sort in connection with the maintenance of public order in the Temple area. Anything else should either belong to the jurisdiction of the procurator or require his sanction.

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