| See, for example, De quiete et oratione, 3 (1308B); De quietudine et duobus orationis modis, 1 (1313A). Compare Capita, 17 (1244D), 118 (1281D); De quietudine . . ., 2 (1316A-B) and 8 (1320D). Scala 27 (MPG lxxxviii, col. 1112A). Climacus in his turn is adapting Evagrius, De oratione, 70 (MPG lxxix, col. 1181C): ‘Prayer is the laying aside of thoughts’. Capita, 60-61 (1256B-C). Here Gregory is probably drawing on Diadochus, Century, 25 (96,19-97,15). Compare Hausherr, Noms du Christ, p. 118: " La Prière à Jesus . . . a commencé par le penthos, le luctus, la douleur sur le péché . . . Elle condense en une formule courte, adaptée aux besoins de la “meditation”, la spiritualité monacale du penthos.’ For references to tears in Gregory, see for example De quiete et oratione, 4 (1308D), 7 (1309D); 9 (1312B); Quomodo oporteat sedere, 7 (1341C). See De quiete et oratione, 3 (1308C), 5 (1309B); De quietudine et duobus orationis modis, 10 (1324b); Capita, 113 (1277D). For the emphasis on conscious experience, see Capita, 127 sub fine (1292D): an immediate and conscious union with God. Compare, however, the important place assigned to the Mother of God in St Symeon the New Theologian’s vision of the divine light: Catechesis xxii (ed. Krivochéine, Sources Chrétiennes 104 [Paris 1964], p. 370, line 78 and p. 376, line 152). See also his Thanksgiving ii (ed. Krivochéine, Sources Chrétiennes 113 [Paris 1965], p. 350, lines 265-8). Capita, 118 (1281d). Compare Capita alia, 1 (1300C), where the ‘contemplation of divine light’ is linked with Christ’s Transfiguration. Gregory Palamas speaks in the same way, terming the divine light hypostatikon: Triads, I, 3, 7 (123,28). Capita, 23 (1245D). Compare Kallistos, Life, 5 (9,4-7), 8 (11,28-29; 12,2-7; and especially 14,14-15,7). Quomodo oporteat sedere, 8 (1345A). For other passages where Gregory of Sinai speaks in terms of light, see Capita, 5 (1240D), 45 (1253A), 85 (1265B), 113 (1277D); De quiete et oratione, 3 (1308C), 4 (1308D); Quomodo oporteat sedere, 7 (1344D). |
| 502.//See also: V. Nesmelov, op. cit., p. 387-388, 389.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, On the Soul and the Resurrection, op. cit., p. 267.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, The Great Catechism, op. cit., p. 91-92.//Archimandrite Kiprian (Kern), The Teaching of the Holy Fathers on Man: St. Gregory of Nyssa, Anthropology of St. Gregory Palamas, Moscow, Palomnik, 1996; p. 165. Further reading: Metropolitan Macarius (Oksiyuk), op. cit., p. 286-290.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, Homily: For those sorrowing for those departed from this life into the next, op. cit. p. 522, 523, 525.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, The Great Catechism, op. cit., p. 49.//Compare: M. Barsov, A Collection of Essays on the Interpretive and Edifying Reading of the Four Gospels. St. Petersburg, 1893, Volume 2, p. 445-446. St. Gregory of Nyssa, Homily for those in sorrow, op. cit., p. 525.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, On the Soul and the Resurrection, op. cit., p. 312-313.//Compare: St. Ignatius (Brianchaninov), Homily on Death, Op. cit., p. 74-75, 336. Concerning the internal transfiguration as the aim of the ascetic life while still here on earth, see S. M. Zarin, Asceticism according to Orthodox Christian Teaching, Moscow, 1996, p. 278, 286.//St. Theophan the Recluse, Commentary on the Epistle of Apostle Paul to the Ephesians, Moscow, 1893, p. 366. Quote from V.N. Lossky, The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church, Theological Works, No. 8. Moscow, 1978, p. 73. On the death of the soul see also: G. Dyachenko, Why the Lord did not destroy death on earth, Examples of Christian Faith, Publishing House Palomnik, 1998. p. 349.//Biblical Commentary, Published by the successors of A.P. Lopukhin, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, St. Petersburg, 1909, p. 326, 327.//St. Basil the Great, On God not being the cause of evil, Homily 9, Volume 2, Works, St. Petersburg, 1911, p. 156.//St. Symeon the New Theologian, First Oration (2), Orations, First Edition, Moscow, 1892, p. 22.//St. Symeon the New Theologian, Fourth Oration (1), op. cit., p. 44.//Compare also his: Oration 73, Orations, Second Edition, Moscow, 1890, p. |
| 410 For a careful analysis of the various types of monastic life on Athos, see N. F. Robinson, SSJE, Monasticism in the Orthodox Churches (London/Milwaukee, 1916), pp. 3–24; compare Emmanuel Amand de Mendieta, Mount Athos the Garden of the Panagia (Berlin/Amsterdam, 1972), pp. 177–213. The idiorrhythmic form of life has now disappeared from the twenty ‘ruling’ monasteries (Speake, Mount Athos, pp. 181–2), but there still exist what are known as ‘idiorrhythmic sketes’, such as Great St Anne. 411 Jacques Valentin, in his book The Monks of Mount Athos (London, 1960), p. 37, claims to have seen one such naked boskos on a balcony in the monastery of St Panteleimon. In general, however, Athonite monks display a deep reserve towards the naked human body, as visitors who bathe in the sea within sight of a monastery will quickly discover to their cost. 413 First Greek Life of Pachomios 4–5; compare Bohairic Life 7–8. See Armand Veilleux, Pachomian Koinonia, vol. 1, Cistercian Studies Series 45 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1980), pp. 27–8, 300. 414 These exist in two main redactions, the ‘alphabetical’ (under the names of specific persons) and the ‘systematic’ (under particular themes). Both have been translated by Sister Benedicta Ward, SLG: The Sayings of the Desert Fathers: The Alphabetical Collection, revised edition (London/Oxford, 1981); The Desert Fathers: Sayings of the Early Christian Monks (London, 2003). Compare Kallistos Ware, ‘The Desert Fathers and the Love of Others’, in Graham Speake (ed.), Friends of Mount Athos: Annual Report 2009 (published in 2010), pp. 21–37. 416 Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, Prologue §§ 10 and 9: in The Lives of the Desert Fathers, tr. Norman Russell, Cistercian Studies Series 34 (London/Oxford/Kalamazoo, MI, 1981), p. 50. 420 ‘L’hésychasme. Etude de spiritualité’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 22 (1956), 23; reprinted in Irénée Hausherr, Hésychasme et prière, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 176 (1966), p. 181. 421 See Archimandrite Lazarus Moore, An Extraordinary Peace: St Seraphim, Flame of Sarov (Port Townsend, WA, 2009), pp. 30, 83. |
| There were many comments under Frank Schaeffer’s tirade against Putin, against Orthodox Patriarchs, hierarchs, and clergy everywhere, and against Russians in general for not “rising up” against this “injustice”. One in particular pointed out the purely rhetorical failings of the article: Frank, Will you also talk about Obama's role in funding the terrorists that are massacring Christians? Here are a few things that I think are problematic about your article: 1. You claim that Putin “made it okay to persecute gay people in Russia.” Banning public displays of homosexuality and homosexual propaganda is not the same as making it okay to “persecute” homosexuals. We have laws against a lot of things in the U.S. Having such laws does not make it okay to commit violence against those who break them. 2. You claim that “a parade of priests have denounced any who question Putin” without making any reference to what parade you are talking about; no links, no explanation, nothing. 3. You find fault with Orthodox bishops partnering with heads of State on areas of common concern such as the spiritual and moral well-being of the nation. 4. You find fault with Orthodox bishops in America for not speaking out against Orthodox bishops abroad for joining forces with a head of State to address matters relating to the spiritual and moral well-being of the nation. 5. You compare Putin to Hitler. 6. You compare Orthodox bishops’ support of Putin to those who were silent over the alleged mass extermination of Jews and homosexuals in concentration camps. 7. You compare outlawing homosexual propaganda to alleged mass extermination of Jews and homosexuals under Hitler. 8. You equate American Evangelical support for Putin's ban against homosexual propaganda to their support of violence against homosexuals in Russia. 9. You imply that laws against homosexual propaganda in Russia have incited violence against homosexuals without providing more than a few photos and a couple of stories. No data has been provided showing that such violence occurs at a higher rate per capita in Russia than in America or any other country, or that such violence has occurred increasingly in Russia after this law compared to before. |
| 418-419.//St. Theophan the Recluse, ‘Commentary on the first eight chapters of the Epistle to the Romans’, Moscow, 1890, p. 421-422. Compare with Metropolitan Macarius (Oksiyuk), The Eschatology of St. Gregory of Nyssa, p. 262. St. Gregory of Nyssa, Paschal Homily on the Resurrection, Works, Part 8, Moscow, 1866, p. 79.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, The Great Catechism, Works, Part 4, Moscow, 1862, p. 29-30. St. Gregory of Nyssa, The Great Catechism, op. cit., p. 31, ibid, p. 29.//Also compare: St. Symeon the New Theologian, Homily One, Homilies, Moscow, 1892, Volume 1, p. 22-23, 46. St. Gregory of Nyssa, An Exact Commentary on Solomon’s Song of Songs, Works, Part 3, Moscow, 1892, p. 371. St. Gregory of Nyssa, Refutations of the views of Apollinaris (antirrhinum), Works, Part 7, Moscow, 1865, p. 124. St. Gregory of Nyssa, On the Soul and the Resurrection, op. cit., p. 254.//Metropolitan Macarius (Oksiyuk), op. cit., p. 299-300. Further reading on Philo of Alexandria: Die Bibel und ihre Welt , Eine Enzyklopaedie zur Heiligen Schrift in zwei Baenden , herausgegeben von G. Cornfeld und G. J. Botterweck. Manfred Pawlak Verlagsgesellschaft. Herrsching, 1991, p. 628. St. Gregory of Nyssa, The Great Catechism, op. cit., p.29.//Compare with: St. Ignatius (Brianchaninov), Homily on Death, Ascetic Experiences,Volume 3, Jordanville, 1983, p. 74//On St. Ignatius see: Ascetic experiences, Volume 1, Writings of Bishop Ignatius Brianchaninov, Jordanville, 1983, p. 7-80.// Collection of Letters by St. Ignatius, bishop of Caucasus, Moscow, St. Petersburg, 1985; p. 27-38. St. Gregory of Nyssa, Funeral Oration for Pulcheria, Works, part 8, Moscow, 1866, p. 405.//Further reading on Pulcheria and Flacilla: A. Velichko, St. Theodosius I the Great.//A History of the Byzantine Emperors, Volume 1, Moscow: Fiv, 2009, p. 250-251.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, Funeral Oration for Empress Flacilla, Works, Part 8, Moscow, 1866, p. 392, 411. Ibid. p. 405.//St. Gregory of Nyssa, Homily: For those sorrowing for those departed from this life into the next, Works, Part 7, Moscow, 1865; p. |
| The assertion that St. Maximos could not have been an evolutionist himself is a fact of history, since the concept of evolution as we know it today is a peculiarly modern idea, although there are certainly antecedents enough before the publication of Origin of Species in 1859, stretching back through the naturalistic philosophers of classical times possibly as far as Anaximander of Miletus (550 BC). The assertion that the theology of St. Maximos cannot support an evolutionary interpretation is not immediately self-evident. We must discover and closely compare the points where the philosophy that underlies the notion of evolution meets the philosophical framework of Maximos’ theology. It is important to bear in mind that it is not the intention of this analysis to compare ”science” with ”theology” nor the work of a scientist (Darwin) with that of a theologian (Maximos). It is rather an effort to grasp what the notion of evolution presupposes as a philosophical basis in order to compare it with the philosophical presuppositions of Maximos, for only in this way will a comparison with the thought of Maximos be meaningful. The doctrine of evolution as it is believed in even by professional scientists is shot through with generally unrecognized philosophical assumptions which elevate it in the contemporary mind to an unassailable mythology. Therefore, it is important to note that despite the ubiquity of the notion of evolution in education, science and social scientific and even theological circles today, many reputable scientists themselves recognize that none of the observable facts and processes of the universe are as such evolutionary, and this includes the ”geologic column” and the ”fossil record.” Facts and processes exist in themselves and their existence and development must then be explained. Evolutionism is such an explanation. Hence, contrary to the confident assertions of countless secondary school biology teachers and science writers, evolution is not a ”fact” of science but rather an attempt by scientists and others to explain the facts of nature as they (the facts) actually exist and are observed. (We will reluctantly leave out of this discussion, as liable to lead us too far afield, what a fact actually is and how exactly a fact or phenomenon is actually experienced or known.) |
| 2909 Cf. Clark, Logos, 18–19, who suspects an anti-pagan polemical use of the Logos (emphasizing the distinctiveness of the incarnation, 28). 2914 Conzelmann, Theology, 335. For a description of the theme in Poimandres and other Hermetica, see Lee, Thought, 84–85, though he contrasts Johns «ethical interest» with the Poimandres» «magical» outlook. 2917 Lyman, «Religion,» 270, suggested a common dependence on the Logos of Heraclitus, John via Philo, the Hermetica via the Stoics. 2926 Read explores the value of the Hellenistic Logos in «Logos.» Many modern attempts to employ John " s Logos in interreligious dialogue, however, rest on a misapprehension of his semantic horizon (cf. Lukito, «Christology»). 2927 Diogenes Laertius 9.1.1. Diogenes Laertius provides ancient sources on Heraclitus in 9.1 (LCL 2:409–425). 2928 Lee, Thought, 79; cf. summaries in Allen, Philosophy, 10; Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 1–2; Barclay, «Themes,» 80. 2929 In Stobaeus Eel 1.1.12 (Grant, Religions, 152–54). One may compare Orphic Hymns 64: nomos is what arranges the stars and the whole cosmos; Pindar frg. 169a (in P.Oxy. 2450). 2930 Long, Philosophy, 131,145. Glasson, «Logos Doctrine,» noting that Heraclitus " s extant sayings on the subject are few (p. 234), wrongly suspects that the Stoics created them; see the critique in Miller, «Updating.» 2931 Bruce, History, 44; compare Heraclitus frg. 20 with Zeno frg. 98 (the latter available in Barrett, Background, 62). 2932 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.88. On divine law meaning living according to nature, see also Epictetus Diatr. 2.16.28; on one law and Logos in the universe, see Marcus Aurelius 7.9. For a full discussion of natural law in Stoicism, see Watson, «Natural Law.» For the connotative difference between logos and physis (nature), see Long, Philosophy, 120, 148–49. 2933 In Plato, e.g., see Diogenes Laertius 3.86; cf. Cicero in Frank, Aspects, 109; Maximus of Tyre Or. 6.5; 11.12 (comparing mind and law; in 27.8 he regards God as pure Mind); even Lucan C.W. 7.1; Sib. Or. 3.757. Cf. in Palestinian Judaism 1 En. 72:2; 73:1; 74:1; 76:14; 78:10; 79:1–2; 1QM 10.12–13. |
| 24-57. The anonymous monk here treats Gregory of Sinai as representing ‘the end of the Sinaite phase and the beginning of the Athonite phase’ (p. 44); he is wrong, however, in saying that Gregory met Arsenios at Sinai ( ibid.). Fr Hausherr later withdrew or qualified much of what he wrote in 1927 about Sinaite spirituality: see ‘Le Traité d’Oraison d’Evagre le Pontique’, Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique, xv (1934), pp. 169-70; Noms du Christ et voies d’oraison ( Orientalia Christiana Analecta 157: Rome 1960), pp. 247-8. On Nicephorus the Athonite or Hesychast, see Gregory Palamas, Triads in Defence of the Holy Hesychasts, I, 2, 12 (ed. J. Meyendorff [Louvain 1959], 99,5-11) and II, 2, 2-3 (321,10-323, 22). The testimony of Palamas implies that Nicephorus was well known as a spiritual guide on Mount Athos, leaving behind him an influential following – not the kind of conclusion that we would draw from the Life of Gregory of Sinai by Kallistos. Patriarch Philotheos, Life of Isidore, 22 (ed. A. Papadopoulos-Keramevs, Zapiski Istoriko-Filologicheskago Fakul " teta Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago Universiteta, lxxvi [St Petersburg 1905], 77,21-26). Compare Meyendorff, Introduction & l’étude de Gr égoire Palamas, p. 54: ‘Once again, we see here a characteristic distinctive of the Hesychasm of the 13th and 14th centuries, which a man such as Theoleptos of Philadelphia sought to promote: monasticism is conceived as a prophetic mission in and for the world and not simply as a means of individual salvation.’ Patriarch Philotheos, Encomium S. Gregorii Thessalonicensis (MPG cli, cols 573B-574B). Compare the text in the Philokalia, vol. v (Athens 1963), pp. 107-12; also Igumen Chariton of Valamo, The Art of Prayer, translated by E. Kadloubovsky and E. M. Palmer (London 1966), pp. 87-88. On the influence of St Gregory of Sinai in Slav lands, see A.-A. N. Tachiaos, Epidraseis tou Hesychasmou eis tin Ekklisiastikin Politikin en Rosia 1328-1406(Thessalonika 1962), especially pp. 65-68; D. |
| (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 201). Источник. Война с диаволом прекращает другую войну – против Бога. Враждуем с диаволом: это значит находимся в мире с Богом (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 209). Источник. Нет ничего злее диавола. Так он повсюду обременяет и развлекает своих бесполезными трудами, и не только не допускает получить награду, но умеет еще сделать их достойными наказания (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 237). Диавол всегда таков, – все предлагает с хитростью, а не прямо, чтобы мы не остерегались (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 374). ...Победи только самого себя – и победишь козни диавола (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 505). ...Огради душу верою и любовью, и ни одна из разжженных стрел диавола не в состоянии будет вонзиться в нее (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 550). Источник. ...Диавол с большею яростью нападает на учителей, потому что если они погибнут, то и все стадо рассеется. Когда он убивает овец, он только уменьшает стадо; а если поражает пастыря, то наносит вред всей пастве. Достигая таким образом с меньшим трудом большего и в одной душе все погубляя... (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 621). Подобно тому, как палачи, будучи сами исполнены бесчисленных преступлений, вразумляют других, так и здесь (то же самое говорится) о лукавом демоне (см.: 1Кор. 5, 5 ) (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 655). Молясь, восплачем от глубины сердца, чтобы прогнать врага нашего в глубину пещи геенской. Ведь когда ты стенаешь, он подвергается ударам; когда ты ударяешь себя в грудь, он получает раны; когда ты принимаешь удары, он подвергается казни (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 917). ...Он производит посмешище в народном собрании, уничижение в доме, смущение в церкви, пожирание плоти, немощь души, повседневную скорбь, путы ума, препятствие в делах (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 924). Велика злоба демона. Но над всеми видами ее превозмогает пост и молитва (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 54, 925). Стрела же диавола есть порочное пожелание (свт. Иоанн Златоуст , 55, 188). Источник. ...Как пираты... минуют корабли с песком, а если где-нибудь увидят с дорогою кладью и с хранящимся в них богатством, нападают на них, пробуравливая снизу, поражая сверху, употребляя всякую хитрость, так и диавол обычно поражает, завидует и коварствует в особенности против собравших много добродетели (свт. |
| 8687 Plutarch Theseus 1.2. The essay Greek and Roman Parallel Stories (Mor. 305A-316B), may not be genuinely from Plutarch " s hand but at least demonstrates that attention was given to his method. 8688 Theon Progymn. 2.86–88, remarking on this in Demosthenes (cf., e.g., Plato Sophist 221D); on comparison (σγκρισις) of characters, Theon Progymn. 10.3–4; subjects, because they can compare characters on the basis of their deeds, can be compared in the same way (10.4–7). See further comment on 13:23. 8689 E.g., Quintilian 10.1.85, comparing the Greek Homer with the Roman Virgil; Appian C.W. 2.21.149, comparing Julius Caesar with Alexander. 8690 Jacobson, «Visions,» though contrasting Greek historiography. Examples abound in the biblical tradition, e.g., Daniel " s use of Joseph motifs, and the parallel of Jeremiah " s reticence at his call to Moses». 8691 Boring, Sayings, 85–86, suggests that the lack of enthusiastic frenzy may characterize Johannine prophetism; cf. also Isaacs, «Spirit,» 406. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 142, could be right that this is mainly a modern distinction, but Herrn. Mand. 11.2–9 (in Boring, Sayings, 85–86) suggests that it was at least considered in the early second century, and the Montanists (Aune, Prophecy, 313) were certainly ready to lay claim to the Fourth Gospe1. 8697 Betz, Paraklet, 128–30, argues for the Spirit " s function as prophet in John and early Judaism (as the teacher, 130–33; the witness, 133–34; and protector of righteousness, 134–36); see also Bornkamm, «Paraklet,» 18–20; Hill, Prophecy, 150; Boring, «Prophecy»; Isaacs, «Spirit,» 392–99; Vawter, «Ezekiel,» 455–58. Prophets» intercessory role in early Judaism (Glatzer, «Prophecy,» 133–35) may also fit the Paracletés activity. 8698 Comparing Jesus» and the Spirit " s prophetic functions in John, see Isaacs, «Spirit,» 399–402; cf. Vawter, «Ezekiel,» 455–58. Compare even the hostility toward Jesus in John 7:20 ; 8with Josephus War 6.303. 8704 For Rev 13, see, e.g., Kraybill, Cult, 161–65; Bauckham, Climax, 423–31; Keener, Revelation, 337–39, 355–56,409–10; for Rev 11, see ibid., 290–93. |
|
|
