7954 In the Targumim (Westcott, John, 185; Dahl, «History,» 131; Schnackenburg, John, 2:416; McNamara, Targum, 100; Boring et a1., Commentary, 294; Kirchhevel, «Children»). On early Jewish premises concerning God " s glory, this would be a natural inference from Isa 6:3–4. 7957 Isaiah had predicted a new revelation of glory at the new exodus (Isa 40:5; cf. 40:3, cited in John 1:23 ; Isa 24:23; 35:2; 44:23; 46:13; 49:3; 58:8; 59:19; 60:1–2; 66:18–19; 4Q176 frg. 1–2, co1. 1, lines 4–9). 7963 So Bauckham, God Crucified, 49–51, citing the interpretive principle gezerâ shevâ. He also suggests (p. 51) that exaltation to divine glory may have recalled Ps 110 (cf. Acts 2:33; 5:31; combined with Isa 57in Heb 1:3). 7964 See esp. Acts 4:1–2; 5:34–35; 15:5; 21:20; 23:6–8; 26:5. «Rulers» work together with «Pharisees» in 7:26,48; the world «ruler» who may stand behind earthly rulers is evil in 12:31; 14:30; 16:11; but 12:42, like 3:1, allows for more nuancing. For such nuancing with the Pharisees as well, see 9:16. 7965 Cf. Plutarch Themistocles 1.1; Demosthenes 12.1; Eunapius Lives 465. Alexander reportedly craved praise (Arrian Alex. 7.28.1). Some appreciated reputation but warned that it invited trouble (Babrius 4.7). 7966 Dio Chrysostom Or. 66, On Reputation (LCL 5:86–115); Seneca Ep. Luci1. 123.16; cf. also Porphyry Marc. 15.253 (where, however, the term bears the common nuance of «opinion,» as in, e.g., 17.284). Human mortality also relativized the value of glory (Diogenes Laertius 5.40, citing Theophrastus), and reputation invited trouble (Babrius 4.6–8). 7967 E.g., Xenophon Hiero 7.3 (φιλοτιμα); Philostratus Hrk. 23.23; 45.8; see comment on 5for the appropriate seeking of glory in antiquity. 7968 E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.1.8 (Socrates); Diogenes Ep. 4; Socrates Ep. 6; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 3.9; Marcus Aurelius 7.34; Philo Spec. Laws 1.281. Diogenes the Cynic reportedly attacked all those who were bound by reputation (νδοξολογοντας, Diogenes Laertius 6.2.47). Cf. condemnations (albeit sometimes qualified) of «self-love» in Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.11; Plutarch Flatterer 1, Mor. 49A; Praising 19, Mor. 546F; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.90; Philo Confusion 128; Worse 32; 2Tim 3:2 ; Sent. Sext. 138; more favorable in Aristotle N.E. 9.8.1–5, 1168ab; cf. also discussion in Grant, Paul, 41.

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Luke 3for a fuller citation). 3868 See esp. Stendahl, School, 48, on the Synoptic dependence on the LXX here. A minor divergence from the LXX may have christological implications (see Leaney, Luke, 106); Lukés extension of the quotation is also significant (Wilson, Gentiles, 38). 3869 Higgins, Historicity, 76 (citing also Zech 9in John 12:15 , vs. in Matt 21:5; Isa 6in John 12:40 , vs. in Matt 13:14–15; Acts 28:25–27; Магк 4:12 ; Luke 8:10). But contrast Menken, «Quotation,» who thinks that John " s quotation does reflect a Septuagintal form. 3870 See Freed, Quotations. Schuchard, Scripture, 1–15, however, argues that John " s translation of Isa 40here comes from the old Greek (roughly, the LXX). 3871 See the brief discussion in the introduction, ch. 1, pp. 40–42; Smith, Among Gospeh, 195–241. 3872 E.g., Robinson, Studies, 13. 3873 1QS 8.13–14; cf. 4Q176 1–2 1.4–9; cf. also Brownlee, «Comparison,» 71; Brown, «Scrolls,» 4. They applied it especially to their knowledge of the law (1QS 8.15–16). 3874 1QS 8.13–14; 9.19–20; Scobie, «John,» 68. Even with crowds visiting, however, the wilderness remained a place of social isolation (cf. the Stoic claim in Cicero Fin. 3.20.65). 3875 Bruce, «Qumrân,» 177. Yet the Qumran sect could also take «wilderness» figuratively, and clearly understood the promise of a new exodus in the biblical prophets; cf. 1QM 1.2–3 and comments in Yadin, War Scroll, 257. 3876 Snodgrass, «Streams.» 3877 Cf., e.g., Mauser, Wilderness, 55–60. Mark " s explicit mention of the Jordan (1:4) reinforces the image of the new exodus for his readers (Kingsbury, Christology, 59; Rhoads and Michie, Mark, 65; Kee, Community, 88). 3878 Theissen, Sociology, 48–50, lists especially Essenes and Zealots; cf. also Pesiq. Rab. 15:14/15 (probably third-century tradition). 3879 Josephus Ant. 20.189; War 2.259,261–262 (some of these «false prophets» may have also ventured messianic claims, which we would expect Josephus to suppress rather than recount). 3880 Cf. Num. Rab. 11:2; Song Rab.

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5027 Odeberg, Gospel, 72 (on 1 En. 70:2; 71:1; 2 En. 1–24; 3 En. passim; Γ. Levi 2; 2 Bar. passim; Ascen. Isa. passim), 73–88 (Hermetic and Mandean texts), 89–94 (rabbinic literature). See also Borgen, «Agent,» 146 n. 4, following Odeberg; cf. Grese, «Born Again»; Kanagaraj, «Mysticism»; idem, «Mysticism» in John; DeConick, Mystics, 67. Talbert, John, 101, thinks 3may counter Christian mystics (as in 1 John 4:1 ). 5028 Borgen, «Agent,» 146; idem, «Hellenism,» 104–5, citing Philo QE 2.46 (on Exod 24:16), which is probably authentic. Borgen, «Agent,» 146, connects John " s «Son of Man» with Philós «Man after God " s image» (Confusion 146; Alleg. Interp. 1.43). 5030 E.g., m. Roš Haš. 3:8; p. Roš Haš 3:9, §§1–6. Cf. deliverance from serpents in response to Jeremiah " s prayer in Liv. Pro. 2.3 (OTP 2:386; Greek, ed. Schermann, 81–82). 5031 Philo Creation 157; Agriculture 108; Alleg. Interp. 3.159; Migration 66. The «belly» frequently refers to pleasure in ancient texts (Euripides Cyc1. 334–335; Longus 4.11; Plutarch Pleas. L. 3, Mor. 1087D; Epictetus Diatr. 2.9.4; Achilles Tatius 2.23.1; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 1.7; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 60.4; 3Macc 7:10–11; 4 Macc 1:3; Syr. Men. Epit. 6–8; Phil 3:19 ; Apoc. E1. 1:13), including in Philo (Spec. Laws 1.148–150, 192; 4.91). 5032         Exod. Rab. 3:12; Tg. Neof. 1 on Пит 21:6 . Were the tradition earlier, one might appeal here to the messianic interpretation of Gen 3:15 , attested in the Targumim (McNamara, Targum, 121) and perhaps as early as the LXX (Martin, «Interpretation»). For texts identifying the serpent with the devil, see comment on 8:44. 5033 The identification of the Jewish lawgiver with «the lawless serpent» in Acts John 94 resembles gnostic anti-Judaism and not first-century tradition. Pace some, the source of Epiphanius Haer. 64.29.6 is probably not pre-Christian (Jacobson, «Serpent»). 5035 E.g., Athena (Plutarch Isis 71, Mor. 379D); but especially Asclepius (e.g., Ovid Metam. 15.659–660, 669–670–where they must look on it; Lucian Alex. 12–14; Pausanias 2.27.2); see further Keener, Revelation, 315. In unrelated cultures, see, e.g., Mundkur et a1., «Serpent»; Mundkur, «Symbolism.»

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5644 Homer I1. 13.624–625; Od. 6.207–208; 14.57–58; Euripides Cyc1. 355; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.1131–1133; 3.193; Greek Anth. 7.516. 5645 Tob 5:10–15; 7:8–9; 10:6–10; Ps.-Phoc. 24; m. " Abot 1:5, 15; 3:12; t. Demai 3:9; b. Ber. 63b; Luke 7:36; Acts 16:15; see further Koenig, Hospitality, 16. For lodging in synagogues or school-houses, cf. b. Qidd. 29b; p. Meg. 3:3, §5. Abraham provided the supreme example (Gen. Rab. 48:9; 50:4; Num. Rab. 10:5; Song Rab. 1:3, §3), though sometimes transferred to other figures (T. Job 10:1–4). Among early Christians, e.g., Rom 12:13 ; 1Tim 3:2 ; 1Рет 4:9 ; Heb 13:2. 5649 Talbert, John, 118, citing especially Josephus War 3.459; 7.70–71; cf. War 4.112–113; 7.100–103,119. 5651 E.g., Aeschylus Supp1. 26; Euripides Herc. fur. 48; Aristophanes Frogs 738, 1433; Epictetus Diatr. 1.22.16; Plutarch Borr. 7, Mor. 830B; Arrian Ind. 21.2; 36.3; Pausanias 2.20.6; 4.34.6; 9.26.8; Athenaeus Deipn. 7.288f. 5652 Pausanias 1.40.3 (Artemis); 8.31.2 (Kore); the mother goddess in Orphic Hymns 14.8; 27.12; 74.4. 5653 Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.8; Josephus Life 244,259; OGIS 90; CPJ 1:185–86, §38; 2:31, §151. Especially Heracles (Demosthenes Or. 60, Funeral Speech §8). 5657 See more fully Longenecker, Christology, 142–43. The title may function in something of a messianic sense in Isa 19:20; cf. «the Lord " s salvation» in Τ Dan 5:10; human deliverers in Judg 3:9, 15 ; 1Sam 10LXX; Neh 9:27. 5658 For special love for onés native land, see also, e.g., Seneca Ep. Lucil 66.26; Menander Rhetor 2.4, 392.8–9; Iamblichus V.P. 32.214. 5659 Davies, Land, 329; Brown, Community, 39; Schnackenburg, John, 1:462; Van Belle, «Faith.» The term applies most easily to onés place of origin, not onés citizenship (Philostratus Hrk. 44.1). 5661 More peripheral, first-time readers might have taken such language philosophically (Anaxagoras called heaven his «fatherland» in Diogenes Laertius 2.7; cf. the world in Musonius Rufus 9, p. 68.15–16, 25; citizenship in the world, ibid. 68.21–22; Diogenes Laertius 2.99; 6.2.63, 72; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 28.4; Marcus Aurelius 12.36), but the sense is clear after reading the Gospel as a whole.

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3400 Sir 50:6–7 (Simon ben Onias like the sun); L.A.B. 51(possibly Samuel); «Abot R. Nat. 25 A and b. Ber. 28b (Johanan ben Zakkai); »Abot R. Nat. 9, §25 Β (Adam as a lamp; p. Šabb. 2:6, §2); 13, §32 Β (R. Eliezer); p. Ta c an. 3:9, §4 (Honi the circle-drawer); Exod. Rab. 15(Daniel " s friends in Dan 3:27 ); Pesiq. Rab. 8(the patriarchs); priests (possibly 4Q504–506); cf. " Abot R. Nat. 24 A and Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 40(righteous in general); Gen. Rab. 1(righteous deeds). The expression must have been fairly widespread; Anna considers her son Tobias «the light of my eyes» (Tob 10:5); a source may have been 2Sam 21 (cf. 1 Kgs 11:36; 15:4; 2 Kgs 8:19). In the eschatological time, see Wis 3:7–8 (cf. 5:6); Matt 13:43; Rev 22:5; L.A.B. 26:13; 4 Ezra 7:97; 2 En. 65A; Sipre Deut. 47.2.1–2; b. Sanh. 100a; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Ecc1. Rab. 1:7, §9; Abelson, Immanence, 89, cites Ya1. Ps. 72. Cf. a pagan metaphor for a skillful sophist (Eunapius Lives 495) or heroes (Menander Rhetor 2.11, 419.18–20; Philostratus Hrk. 44.5; 45.5). 3405         1 En. 48(from the Similitudes, alluding to Isa 42:6; 49:6); the eschatological high priest in lQSb 4.27; and Amoraic sources in Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 6:5; Gen. Rab. 1:6; 85:1; Pesiq. Rab. 36:1–2; 37:2; kingship in general in Tg. 1 Chr. SM. 3409 1QH 7.24–25; 4 Bar. 9:3; L.A.B. 12:9; L.A.E. 28:2; T. Zeb. 9(paraphrasing Mai 4:2); PGM 4.1219–1222; perhaps 4Q451, frg. 24, line 7; cf. Sib. Or. 3:285; b. Menah. 88b (late second century); Gen. Rab. 3(third century, citing Ps 104:2 ; also in Exod. Rab. 50:1); Gen. Rab. 59(citing Isa 60:19); Num. Rab. 15:2; Pesiq. Rab. 8(citing Ps 27:1; 119:105 ); 21(citing Isa 60:19); Rev 21:23. In rabbinic texts, this often alludes to the Shekinah (the divine presence, closely connected with his glory, although Urbach, Sages, 1:44–47, disputes Abelson " s view of its physical nuances), e.g., Sipre Num. 41.1.1; b. Ber. 60b; the Shekinah of the first exodus is also depicted as light (e.g., Wis 17; 18:1–3; b. Menah. 86b; Exod. Rab. 14:3).

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Orthodox Leaders Moving Synod to Crete Citing Geopolitical Concerns in Turkey A Russian Orthodox Church Website About Pages About %20%20 Donate Contact Us Проекты «Правмира» Pravmir.ru Матроны.RU Не инвалид.RU Pravmir.com Форум Книги Лекторий Благотворительность Raising Orthodox Children to Orthodox Adulthood The Daily Website on How to be an Orthodox Christian Today Twitter Telegram Parler RSS Donate Navigation News В данной категории нет материалов. Family Before marriage Bringing up children Children's page Divorce In the Family What is Christian Love in Marriage? Family Life and Spiritual Warfare Should People Limit Marital Relations in Lent? Pastoral Advice Library Holy Fathers Lives of Saints New Russian Martyrs Other Media Sermons, Lectures The Importance of Patiently Letting Down Our Nets in Obedience Do We Have A Reaction To The Gospel? What Does the Cross Mean for us Today? Our Faith History of Christianity Icons In the Church Liturgical Life Missionary work Orthodoxy around the World Prayers Religions Sacraments Social Life Theology “Le monde entier reste silencieux au sujet de l’Artsakh” : 120 000… “The whole world is silent about Artsakh.” 120,000 people are in the blockade,… The Importance of Patiently Letting Down Our Nets in Obedience Calendar Fasting Feasts The Tree Heals the Tree The Lights of an Approaching Rescue Preparing the Way of the Lord in our Own Lives family В данной категории нет материалов. Multimedia Contact us Искать Искать Orthodox Leaders Moving Synod to Crete Citing Geopolitical Concerns in Turkey Source: The Pappas Post Gregory Pappas 25 January 2016 Photo: romfea.gr Five Best Practices for the Great Council of the Orthodox Church Considered to be the most important meeting of the world’s Orthodox Christian bishops in over a thousand years, the Great and Holy Synod which was to convene at the headquarter city of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in Istanbul, Turkey, is being relocated to Crete, citing geopolitical concerns.

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3614 Boismard, Prologue, 48–49; Morris, John, 103–4; survey of background in Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 31–63; against Barrett, John, 165. Jesus thus becomes the new temple (Jerusalem was God " s tabernacling-place, κατασκνωσις–Тов 1:4); see comment on 2:19–21; 4:21–24; 7:37–39; 10:36; 14:2–3; and cf. Brown, Community, 49; Painter, John, 57; cf. commentators on the hidden manna and ark under Rev 2:17. 3615 Stuart, «Examination,» 311; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; Gaston, Stone, 209; contrast Barrett, John, 165. 3616 Sir 24:8 ; the parallel is widely noted (Harris, «Origin»; Vos, «Range,» 404; Haenchen, John, 1:119; Gaston, Stone, 209; Glasson, Moses, 66; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; cf. Barrett, John, 166). Cf. Ваг 3:37 ; Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.46 and Congr. 116 (the tabernacle represents Wisdom); Posterity 122 (the λγος θεος ενοκει among those who contemplate eternal things); cf. T. Levi 2:11; 5:2; 6:5; the name in Did. 10.2. 3618 On the sukkah recalling the wilderness cloud of glory, hence God " s sheltering presence, in rabbinic texts, see Rubenstein, «Sukkah» Isa 4suggests an eschatological cloud of glory for a new exodus (even more emphatic in Tg. Isa. 4:5). 3619 Wis 12:1; See further Isaacs, Spirit, 23. Isaacs suggests that Philós doctrine of immanence may reflect dependence on biblical tradition as well as on the language of the Stoa (Spirit, 29). 3620         «Abot R. Nat. 1 A; b. Yoma 4a (early Tannaitic attribution); Num. Rab. 11:6; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1(citing m. »Abot 3:2, the oldest comment on the Shekinah); Abelson, Immanence, 143–45; with the Word, 146–49. Wisdom has glory in Wis 9:11, and functioned as God " s glory or Shekinah in the wilderness, guiding the righteous and being a covering by day and flame of stars by night (Wis 10:17; cf. Exod 13:21). 3621 4Q504 4.2–6; Num. Rab. 12:3; 14:22; Song Rab. 3:11, §2; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7, 9; 7:4; Tg. Neof. on Exod 25:8; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:51–53; for transferral of the idea to synagogues, see Lev. Rab. 11:7; glory is associated with booths in the wilderness, but again only rarely (b. Sukkah lib, attributed to R. Eliezer vs. R. Akiba). Some Amoraim sought to harmonize the universality of God " s presence with its localization in the tabernacle (e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:2; Num. Rab. 12:4; Song Rab. 3:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7). On glory and the tabernacle, see Exod 40:32–36; 1 Kgs 8:10–11; Boismard, Prologue, 144.

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1427. Vol. 26. P. 263-278; он же (Брунов Н. И.) Архитектура Константинополя IX-XII вв.//ВВ. 1949. Т. 2. С. 160-169; Macridy Th., Mango C. The Monastery of Lips (Fenari Isa Camii) at Istanbul//DOP. 1964. Vol. 18. P. 249-315; Mango C., Hawkins J. W. Additional Notes//Ibid. P. 299-315; iidem. Additional finds at Fenari Isa Camii, Istanbul//Ibid. 1968. Vol. 22. P. 177-184; Macridy Th. The Monastery of Lips and the Burials of the Palaeologi//Ibid. 1964. Vol. 18. P. 253-277; Megaw A. H. S. The Original Form of the Theotokos Church of Constantine Lips//Ibid. P. 279-298; Krautheimer R. Early Christian and Byzant. Architecture. Harmondsworth, 1965. P. 261-262; Mango C. The Byzantine Architecture. N. Y., 1976, 19852. P. 110-112, 148-153; Mathews Th. F. The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul: A photographic survey. Univ. Park (PA), 1976. P. 322-345; M ü ller-Wiener W. Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls: Byzantion, Konstantinupolis, Istanbul bis zum Beginn des. 17. Jh. Tüb., 1977. S. 126-131; Mathiopoulos-Tornaritos E. Zur Technik der Hagia Eudokia aus dem Lips-Kloster (Fenere Isa Camii)//Akten XVI. Intern. Byzantinistekongresse, Wien 4.-9. Okt. 1981. W., 1982. Bd. 2. Tl. 5. S. 61-72; Majeska G. P. Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the 14th and 15th Cent. Wash., 1984. P. 309-312; Firatl í N. La sculpture byzantine figurée au Musée Archéologique d " Istanbul: Cat. P., 1990; Cutler A., Talbot A. M. Lips Monastery//ODB. 1991. Vol. 2. P. 1233; Gerstel S. E. J. Saint Eudokia and the Imperial//The Art Bull. N. Y., 1997. Vol. 79. 4. P. 699-707; eadem. Icon with Saint Eudokia//The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A. D. 843-1261. N. Y., 1997. P. 42-43; Talbot A. M. Typikon of Theodora Palaiologina for the Convent of Lips in Constantinople//Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents: A Compl. Transl. of the Surviving Founders " Typika and Testaments/Ed. J. Thomas, A. Constantinides. Wash., 2000. P. 1254-1286; A Lost Art Rediscovered: The Architectural Ceramics of Byzantium/Ed.

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Конец сим всем господь наш Исус Христос и иже тебе мзду въздасть противу твоему труду. Аминь». За последними фразами Послания можно угадывать и стремление автора устраниться от участия в антиеретической борьбе, к которой призывал адресат. Полагаем, что анонимное Послание написано кемто из числа «заволжских старцев» в ответ на разосланные Иосифом Волоцким в 1502–1503 гг. призывы начать борьбу по искоренению ереси жидовствующих. В отличие от «Ответа» анонимное Послание еще не знаменует стадию полемики между «иосифлянами» и «нестяжателями», но позиции его автора и адресата уже содержат предпосылки к будущему конфликту. Судя по примирительному тону, анонимное Послание вместе с несохранившимся обращением Иосифа к «заволжцам» можно считать самым ранним текстом, который непосредственно предшествует знаменитой полемике. 6 . Таким образом, приходим к выводу о том, что полемика между «иосифлянами» и «нестяжателями» началась не позднее 1503 г. по двум актуальным для ситуации начала XVI в. вопросам: о монастырском землевладении и об отношении к еретикам. По обоим вопросам стороны принципиально разошлись и вступили между собой в полемику. Остается заметить, что в обоих случаях «нестяжатели» пользовались полным сочувствием великокняжеской власти, а «иосифляне» отстаивали принципиальные для церковной организации позиции. D. Ostrowski (USA, Harvard University). Parallels of mysticism: the hesychasm of Nil Sorskii and Sufism The following five beliefs and practices appear in the writings of Nil Sorskii and other Hesychasts as well as in those of the Sufis: (1) the importance of repeated prayer that invokes the divine name; (2) breath control; (3) the heart as an epistemological organ; (4) anmiphilosophical views – that is, opposition to the mind that is not contained within the heart; and (5) the idea of being born again after degradation. Hesychasts expressed these ideas through a Christian medium, citing as authority the Bible and Patristic literature (i.e., divine writings) where appropriate. Sufis expressed them through an Islamic medium, citing as authority the Prophet, other Sufi writers, and, sometimes, the Bible as well. This paper is an attempt to explore these similarities and the significance they might have for understanding Nil’s writings. Below I briefly discuss each of these parallel beliefs and practices in Hesychasm and Sufism. I then pose a few questions concerning the possible significance of these parallels in an attempt to better understand the context of Nil’s Hesychasm.

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Приведем для начала одинаковые места Писания из синодального перевода (1876 года), который считается одним из лучших в мире, и из перевода «Новый Мир». В Евангелии от Луки говорится о Младенце Христе: «благословен Господь Бог Израилев, что посетил народ Свой и сотворил избавление ему»( Лк.1:68 ), аналогичное место в их переводе: «...обратил внимание на народ Свой». В то время, когда евангелист прямо говорит о том, что посетивший людей Христос – Бог избавит людей от их греха, что, согласно иудейскому учению, и может делать только Сам Бог, то секта, заминает такое важное место. В послании апостола Павла к евреям автор говорит о Христе: «Также, когда вводит Первородного (Христа) во вселенную, говорит: и да поклонятся Ему все Ангелы Божии» ( Евр.1:6 ). Версия СИ: «...воздадут ему почтение». На первый взгляд кажется, что смысл примерно одинаков, но «Свидетели Иеговы» знают, что поклонение может быть воздано только Богу ( Мф.4:10 ; Втор.6:13 ). Опять же, чтобы исключить всякие, даже косвенные доказательства божественности Христа, они прячут подлинный смысл текста. Вот другое место из послания Павла о равенстве Христа и Бога Отца: «Он, будучи образом Божиим, не почитал хищением быть равным Богу» ( Флп.2:6 ), то есть Христос не считал воровством свое равенство Отцу. Он имел на это полное право, так сказать. Предсказуем их перевод в этом месте: «Не допускал мысли о том, чтобы посягнуть на равенство с Богом». Мы видим обратное утверждение! В этом принципиально важном месте стоит привести древнегреческий текст: «oux arpagmon igisato to einai isa Teon». Если мы возьмем любой словарь древнегреческого языка, то мы увидим, что слово oux – отриц. частица «не»; arpagmon – дословно «грабежом»; igisato – «почитал», to einai – инфинитив «быть», isa – прилагательное «наравне», и Теоп – «Бог». Конечно, легко навязывать свои переводы тем, кто попросту не имеет возможности его проверить. Итак, нами обнаружены нарушение грамматики языка и явная подгонка смысла текста под учение секты. Вот пример перевода «Свидетелей Иеговы» в самом начале Библии о Духе Святом: «и действующая сила Бога носилась над водою» ( Быт.1:2 ), в то время как в оригинале стоит «Дух Божий» – то есть, по сути, это уже не перевод, а ревизия.

http://azbyka.ru/otechnik/sekty/opasnost...

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