| Сети богословия Мнение Богословие и личное благочестие никогда не должны разлучаться Дорогие читатели портала! Годичный богослужебный круг почти завершил свой оборот, и мы вновь вошли в период Великого поста, который служит преддверием Пасхи, воскресения Христова. Читать дальше Кирилл (Зинковский) епископ Сергиево-Посадский и Дмитровский, ректор Московской духовной академии Тема недели: Монастыри и монашество на Руси. Yet people also query the second angelic proclamation: “And on earth peace.” How can we speak of peace on earth when almost half of the planet finds itself either in the act of or in preparation for war? The sweet tone of the angelic proclamation regarding “peace on earth” is of course primarily a divine pledge that, if people adhere to the way indicated by the new-born Child, they will acquire internal peace and peaceful coexistence. But, alas, most people are moved and drawn by the cymbals of war, ignoring the sound of the pledge for peace on earth. We are not referring here to those who passionately support the use of weapons, but especially to those who transform gentle competition to unequal conflict, seeking the annihilation of any opposition. In this respect, war is experienced as reality among members of rival social groups and parties of all kinds – whether racial, political, partisan, financial, ideological, religious, athletic or any other kind, where the intense mindset of members is converted into militant rather than peaceful. However, this does not refute the truth proclaimed by the Angels, that – through the Nativity of Christ and the acceptance of His teachings – peace will indeed prevail on earth. Christ came bearing peace; and if His peace does not prevail in the world, then responsibility lies with those who fail to accept and embrace this peace, not with the God who grants it. Since this is the stance of contemporary humanity in light of the peace offered by God, it is hardly surprising that good will is rare among people. The good intention of God toward humanity is assured, just as the favorable consequences of divine love are in principle apparent for all human beings and particularly tangible for all those who accept the angelic proclamations in practice. By contrast, for those who reject these proclamations and are given to exploiting and abusing others, the consequences are experienced as a crisis of stress and anxiety, as a crisis of economy and meaning, and finally as existential uncertainty. |
| 93 R. Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum und Historia Lausiaca (Göttingen, 1916), p. 89; cf. the whole chapter 4, “Der Mönch als Apostel.” 94 Cf. Les Péres du Desert. Textes choisis et présentes par René Draguet (Paris 1942), p. XXXV: “Dans les documents pachomiens, le cenobitisme strict est communément appelé la voie apostolique, la voie supérieure des apôtres.” See also Louis Bouyer, La Spiritualite du Nouveau Testament et des Peres (Paris, I960), p. 369, and Dom Germain Morin, L " idéal monastique e. la vie Chrétienne des premiers jours, Troisième édition (Paris, 1921), pp. 66 ff. In this sense the word “apostolic life” was used still by Rupert of Deutz in his treatise De vita vere apostolica (ML CLXX, 611–664). 95 The “Life of Blessed Aphou” was never translated into English. Père Pierre de Bourguct. SJ., of the Musée du Louvre, was kind enough to provide me with a French translation from the original. I. wish to express my warmest gratitude for his gracious assistance. The English version given in the text was established on the basis of Père de Bourguet " s translation, collated with the earlier translations: Russian by Bolotov and Italian by Rossi. Professor Thomas O. Lambdin checked the translation against the Coptic original, for which I. am deeply thankful. My best and cordial thanks to my friend and colleague, Ralph Lazzaro, of Harvard Divinity School, for his generous and devoted help in translation. I. have to thank also Père Jean Daniélou, S.J., for introducing me and my query to Père de Bourguet. 96 This passage was misunderstood by all previous translators: Bolotov, Rossi, and Drioton. They missed the point: το ισον is a legal term and denotes the original of a document, which is supposed to be deposited in the archives, as an exemplum, as scriptum authenticum, as a standard. Aphou wanted to check whether that to which he so firmly objected was in the original (σον) or whether it was only in that particular copy which was sent to Oxyrhynchus, having crept in there by a lapsus calami of the scribe, συγγραφες. He wanted to know the official text. In fact, the “preaching” to which he objected was not a sermon, but rather the formal Paschal Epistle of the Archbishop, that is, an official document which had to be deposited in the archieves of the Archdiocese. See Bernhard Kübler, “σον und πογραφ in Zeitschriftder Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Roman. Abt., LUI. (1933), 64 – 98, and Th. Lefort, “σον=Exemplum, Exemplar”, in Le Muséon, XLVII, 1/2, 57 – 60. |
| Needless to point out, it is the first declaration of the “two great lights,” that manifestly bares the cognitive character of his subsequent query addressed to God which, in essence, is a very daring process of comparison. There appears, therefore, a severe contradiction in the passage that cannot be compared in any sense to the lucid scriptural or patristic accounts regarding humility. St Seraphim’s humility, as noted, was not so much a rational consciousness of his sins, but a constant deeply felt emotion. In his teachings, both oral and written, nowhere does it say that he compared himself to the Divinity, drawing conclusions from this regarding his spiritual status. He constantly gave himself up only to a single emotional impulse: the feeling of his own unworthiness (imperfection) which resulted in heartfelt contrition. Theophan the Recluse, a Russian ascetic of the Orthodox Church, expressed the sense of this thus: “The Lord accepts only the man who approaches Him with a feeling of sinfulness. Therefore, he rejects anyone who approaches Him with a feeling of righteousness.” If, as a result of the above, one were to draw a conclusion about Francis’ humility on the basis of the ascetic prescriptions for monastics regarding humility in the Philokalia, then the Latin mystic does not appear as the ideal of Christian humility. A substantial dose of his own righteousness was added to his consciousness that he was pleasing to God. Something similar, from an Orthodox analysis of Francis’ mysticism, may be applied from Lev Tolstoy’s story Father Serge: “He [the ascetic Serge] thought,” says Tolstoy, “about how he was a burning lamp, and the more he felt this, the more he felt a weakening, a quenching of the spiritual light of truth burning in him.” Recalling St Nilos’ warning, mentioned before, this sad evaluation of the spiritual results of Francis’ asceticism is corollary, or more to the point, is an antecedent plani to the severe beguilement he underwent on Monte La Verna, where he announced that he had become a great luminary. |
| Chris 3 июня 2020, 06:55 Hi, just wondering if someone could help me obtain good quality prints of icons like this? We are looking to renew our current iconostasis and wanted to find someone who could possibly help with our query. Thanks. Chris. Juliane Laufer 16 марта 2019, 12:02 Здравствуйте, насколько велики ваши иконы, я очень воодушевлен, а также атмосферой мастерской Иконен, которую фотографии показывают очень хорошо. Я живу в Германии, в Гамбурге и пишу иконы уже 2 года. Я с энтузиазмом отношусь к русским иконам и хотел бы узнать больше. Есть ли возможность помочь в вашей мастерской или взять уроки иконописи у одного из мастеров? Или вы можете сказать мне, где - в какой школе/мастерской - я могу закончить свои навыки? Greetings Juliane Cherie LeClair 13 декабря 2018, 07:12 Beautiful, masterful work in Christ. An inspiration for me to aspire to as aniconography. thank you and God be with you, cherie. Dragisa Bozovic 30 января 2017, 16:24 krasno Анна 16 ноября 2016, 04:17 На первом фото за ликом преподобного Сергия мне ясно видится как бы облик самого " настоящего " преподобного. Он как будто стоит поодаль и наблюдает за работой мастера, при этом лик его благообразен и смотрит он очень смиренно, вниз, как будто молится о работе художника. По преданию таким и был преподобный в жизни. Присмотритесь, может тоже увидите? тамара 14 ноября 2016, 20:22 Божией помощи всем иконописцам,здоровья и благополучия.Будем любоваться и молиться этим всем нашим родным Святым. Наталья 13 ноября 2016, 20:51 Многая и благая лета всем труждающимся!Спаси Господь!Благодарность авторам репортажа! Олеся 13 ноября 2016, 16:51 красивые люди, благородное занятие. Очень хорошо, что среди икон есть икона Святителя Спиридона. Очень сильный святой и всегда он рядом с Николаем Чудотворцем. Хорошо, что есть такие люди, как вы. Ирина 13 ноября 2016, 11:54 Очень интересный фоторепортаж! Спасибо! Какая кропотливая работа! Помощи Божией всем мастерам! Наталья 12 ноября 2016, 14:45 Хорошо.. 12 ноября 2016, 13:45 |
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| An extract from the original Greek of this place, having been preserved in the Imperial Library at Vienna, and kindly communicated to me, (see Book iv. sect. 6, above,) I shall now give it as before (1. c.) «Fol. 375. v. Euse B . eu0aggel-qeof a& : (haec rubrica excipit locum Lucae de vocatione Levi 1Acion qanma&sai to_ a1plaston kai fila&lhqej h]qoj.. kai th_n filosofi/an matqai/ou. ou[toj ga_r to_n pro&teron bi/on, ou0k a0po_ e0k de a0mfi ta_j telwni/aj kai pleoneci/aj sxolazo&ntwn. kai ou0deij e0poi/hsen. ou0k o9 snnapo&stoloj «Iwa&nnhj. a0lla0 o9 men sugkallu&ptwn to_ o1noma a0rxaiote/ra proshgori/a katexrh&sato. au0to_j d» o9 to_n sthliteu/wn u9ion» (lego bi/on.) «kai kath&goroj gino&menoj, o0nomasti, au0to_j memnhme/noj. e0n suggra&mmati to&nd» to_u tro&pon. kai para&gwn o9 i0c. ei]den a1non»» ( a1vqrwpon) kaqh&menon e0pi to_ telw&nion o0no&mati, e0le/gxwn to_ i3na qauma&shj th_n te/xnhn i0atreu/santoj. kai pa&lin prow_n to&n te kata&logon e0cariqmou&menoj, au0to_j to_ telw&nou prosti/qhsin o1noma. di0 u9perbolh_n e0pieikei/aj. mh_ e0pikru&ptwn to_n pro&teron bi/on. (Fol. 376 r.) kai e9auto_u kai sunaposto&lou, deu&teron e9auto_n katale/gei. sunezeugme/noj w9j petroj a0ndre/a. kai i0a&kwboj i0wa&nnh, fi/lippo&j te kai prota&ttei to_n w9j krei/ttona to_n sunapo&stolon. tounanti/on pepoihko&twn:-- Sequitur et hoc loco rubrica: grhgori/ou qeolo&g.» Dr Kopitar adds, «Nota quid si sub Corderii Eusebio et Theophane, quem ille e Bessarionis codice citat, nec definit, lateat Eusebii qeofa&neia ? E nostro nil amplius apparet. Sed video a Kollarii nota ad Lambecii recensionem, Rich. Simonem laudare similem catenam Bibliothecae Parisinae.» -- The Parisian Catena I have no means of examining. The query respecting the Codex of Cardinal Bessarion, I must leave to those who have access to that Codex. On other extracts, found by Signor Mai, see p. 225, above, note. The learned reader will perceive, that in this, as well as the former extract, the «Iota subscriptum» is everywhere omitted: and that, in this extract, a few words have been added by the compiler of the Catena in which it is found. The whole passage is also found, with some variations, in the Demonstr. Evang. Lib. III. V. p. 119. D. seq. |
| ThQ 56 (1874). S. 1−70; Idem. Hymnenausdem Zweiströmeland. Mainz, 1882. S. 247−259; Bevan A. A. The Hymns of the Soul, contained in the Syriac Acts of St. Thomas. Text and Studies 5, 3. Cambridge, 1897; Hoffmann G. Zwei Hymnen der Thomasakten. ZNTW 4 (1903). S. 273−309; Medlycott A. E. India and the Apostle Thomas. Inquiry with a critical Analysis of the Acts of Thomas. London, 1905; Bousset W. Hauptprobleme der Gnosis. Göttingen, 1907. S. 276−319; Haase F. Zur bardesanischen Gnosis. Leipzig, 1910. S. 50−67; Rostalski F. Sprachliches zu den apokryphen Apostelgeschichten. Teil 1. Die casus obliqui in den Thomasakten. Programm Myslowitz, 1911; Dahlmann J. Die Thomaslegende und die ältesten historischen Beziehungen des Christentums zum fernen Osten. Freiburg im Breisgau. 1902; Zaleski L. M. L " apôtre St. Thomas et l " Inde. Mangalore, 1912; Martinez F. L " ascétisme chrétien pendant les trois premiers, siècles. Paris, 1913. P. 54−72; Burch V. A Commentary on the syriac Hymn of the Soul. JTS 19 (1917−1918). P. 145−161; Reitzenstein R. Ein Gegenstück zu dem Seelenhymnus der Thomasakten. ZNTW 21 (1922). S. 35−37; Baumstark A. S. 14−15; Väth A. Der hl. Thomas, der Apostel Indiens. 2 th ed. Aachen, 1925; Charpentier J. St. Thomas the Apostle and India. Kyrkhist. Aarskrif 27. P. 21−47; Panjikaran J. Christianity in Malabar with special reference to the St. Thomas Christians. Or. Chr. 6 (1926). P. 93−136; Mingana A. The early Spread of Christianity in India. London, 1926, Lietzmann H. Messe und Herrenmahl. Bonn, 1926. S. 243−247; Amann E. Apocryphes du N. Testament. DB SuPl. I. Paris, 1928. Coll. 501−504; Joseph Т. К. К Query, St. Thomas in Parthia or India? Indian Antiquary 61 (1933). P. 159; Idem. The St. Thomas Traditions of South India. Bull, of the Intern. Committee of Hist. Research 5 (1933). P. 570−569; Bornkamm G. Mythos und Legende in den apokryphen Thomasakten, Göttingen, 1933; Connolly R. H. A Negative Golden Rule in the Syriac Acts of Thomas. JTS 36 (1935). P. 353−357; Margoliouth D. |
| The question now is, what is the meaning of the dialogue, or mediation, between theology (understood Patristically) and science (which represents an opposite to theology) as knowledge of particular things achieved through discursive reasoning and clearly articulated in scientific language? Is it possible to relate the experiential mode of theology, requiring personal participation in the mysteries, with the objective knowledge obtained from scientific research, the knowledge that is universal in terms of languages and their material references, accessible to the majority of an educated population, at least in a popularized form? The negative response to this query would be quite obvious if one did not make a distinction between the ever-living mysticism in the church (the theologia), on the one hand, and the verbal and written tradition of transferring its experience through the church’s earthly history in economic theology. As above, our ability to talk of God, to read God’s Word, and to express our convictions in religious and philosophical language is grounded in the incarnation of the Logos of God. It is the confession of the incarnation that allows us to witness to the transcendent God in his immanent revelation to us in Christ. The reality of our knowledge of God (in an apophatic mode) and the possibility of our personal participation in God’s mysteries is granted by Christ, who, by unifying the divine and the human, made it possible for us to be theologians in two ways: (1) to experience God directly, apophatically; and (2) to think, talk, and write about God, to express our knowledge of God cataphatically. Christ, who revealed God in the world through his immanent, economic activity, witnessed at the same time God who is transcendent to the world; that is, Christ witnessed for the knowledge of God as God is in himself through theologia. The gift of theology (both theologia and economia) thus has its origin in the incarnation of the Word and is active in us through the Holy Spirit. |
| 1. Our Letter of the 14th January of the present year did not express any doubt as to the right and responsibility of the Ecumenical Patriarchate to grant Autocephaly, whenever this is called for by the circumstances. Our questions mainly refer to procedure and especially to an ecclesiological question of utmost importance for Orthodoxy. The contents of the first pages of Your Letter of reply obviously do not refer to our query. For this reason, we shall not refer to them here. We restrict ourselves simply – far removed from any influence of arguments of other Autocephalous Churches – to focus on just three questions directly related to the holy spiritual tradition and conscience of the Orthodox Church: a) The Holy Eucharist b) Apostolic Succession c) Conciliarity. Our worry was focused particularly on the crucial subject of the ordination of bishops, of Apostolic Succession. It was on account of this, that the cunning role of the self-proclaimed “Supreme Honorary Patriarch of Kiev and All Rus-Ukraine” Filaret was underscored and theological reservations were articulated as to the holy spiritual validity of the ordinations that he has performed, considering that divine Grace does not act when the celebrant of the Sacrament is defrocked, has been aphorised or anathematised; and that a Bishop celebrating canonically is not acting by his own power, but in the name of the Church, the only agent of the Grace of God. We wonder, whether the restoration of Mr. Filaret to canonical order renders the ordinations which he performed automatically valid. 2. The correlation and analogy of the Ukrainian question to the Melitian Schism of the 4th century, which is extensively referred to in Your Letter, has not answered our queries. On the contrary, its careful study leads to different conclusions: According to the Treaty of Metropolitan of Anchialos and later of Smyrni Vassilios of blessed memory, which was sent to us, in the Annex “On the Schism of the Melitians, more extensively” the following are recorded: “The case was corrected through the acceptance of Melitios, on one hand, back only to the bishop’s honor, without the right to celebrate the sacraments and, on the other hand of those ordained by him, while defrocked, as bishops, priests, and deacons, under the same condition and in the sameway as it was ordered by the eighth canon on the acceptance of the Katharoi or the Novatians, that is through a simple laying on of hands, with a prayer confirming each to their respective hierarchical ranks”. The last explanatory phrase was omitted in Your Letter. |
| The balance and sense of discretion is remarkable in this little comment, one that bears much weight in terms of Eastern Orthodox understandings of the morality of war. The “fathers” in question refers to Athanasius of Alexandria, the great Nicene Orthodox authority of the 4 th century church. Athanasius’ defense of the Nicene creed, and the divine status of Christ, had won him immense prestige by the end of the 4 th century, and as his works were being collated and disseminated (in his own lifetime his reputation had been highly conflicted, his person exiled numerous times, and his writings proscribed by imperial censors), Basil seems to wish to add a cautionary note: that not everything a “father” has to say is equally momentous, or universally authoritative. In his Letter to Amun Athanasius had apparently come out quite straightforwardly about the legitimacy of killing in time of war, saying: “Although one is not supposed to kill, the killing of the enemy in time of war is both a lawful and praiseworthy thing. This is why we consider individuals who have distinguished themselves in war as being worthy of great honors, and indeed public monuments are set up to celebrate their achievements. It is evident, therefore, that at one particular time, and under one set of circumstances, an act is not permissible, but when time and circumstances are right, it is both allowed and condoned.” 378 This saying was being circulated, and given authority as a “patristic witness” simply because it had come from Athanasius. In fact the original letter had nothing whatsoever to do with war. The very example of the “war-hero” is a sardonic reference ad hominem since the letter was addressed to an aged leader of the Egyptian monks who described themselves as Asketes, that is those who labored and “fought” for the virtuous life. The military image is entirely incidental, and Athanasius in context merely uses it to illustrate his chief point in the letter – which is to discuss the query Amun had sent on to him as Archbishop: “Did nocturnal emissions count as sins for desert celibates?” Athanasius replies to the effect that with human sexuality, as with all sorts of other things, the context of the activity determines what is moral, not some absolute standard which is superimposed on moral discussion from the outset. Many ancients, Christian and pagan, regarded sexual activity as inherently defiling and here Athanasius decidedly takes leave of them. His argument, therefore, is falsely attributed when (as is often the case) read out of context as an apparent justification of killing in time of war. He is not actually condoning the practice at all, merely using the rhetorical example of current opinion to show Amun that contextual variability is very important in making moral judgments. |
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