| 3 Elaine Pagels, Beyond Belief: The Secret Gospel of Thomas (New York: Random House, 2003), 32. Pagels is talking about the so-called Nag Hammadi texts, discovered near the Egyptian village of Nag Hammadi in 1945. In fact, the entire ‘Nag Hammadi library’, as it is sometimes called, totalling somewhat more than 1,000 papyrus pages, tumbled out of a single broken um about two feet high at the time of its discovery, and the standard, modem English translation occupies a single paperback volume that sits comfortably in the palm of one hand. That English edition is: James M. Robinson (general editor), The Nag Hammadi Library in English (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1990). For the story of the discovery, including the height of the um, see Bart D. Ehrman, Lost Christianities (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 52; also W. C. van Unnik, Newly Discovered Gnostic Writings: A Preliminary Survey of the Nag Hammadi Find (London: SCM Press, 1960), 10. For the number of pages, see Christoph Markschies, Gnosis: An Introduction, tr. J. Bowden (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 2003), 49. 4 Stephen Prothero, American Jesus: How the Son of God Became a National Icon (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2003), 7 – 8. 5 For an account of the Council and the question of the authenticity of the list, see the still authoritative B. F. Westcott, A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the New Testament, 6th edn. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1980; repr. of 1889 original), 431 – 9. The list of New Testament books is identical to the contents of the traditional New Testament except that it omits the book of Revelation. 6 Bart Ehrman, ‘Christianity Turned on Its Head: The Alternative Vision of the Gospel of Judas’, in R. Kasser, M. Meyer, and G. Wurst (eds.), The Gospel of Judas from Codex Tchacos (Washington, DC: National Geographic, 2006), 77 – 120, at 118. See also Ehrman, Lost Christianities, whose chapters include titles such as ‘The Arsenal of the Conflicts: Polemical Treatises and Personal Slurs’ and ‘Additional Weapons in the Polemical Arsenal: Forgeries and Falsifications’. |
| 1. An intense labor of mental imagination, 2. Suggestion, 3. Sensual feelings, and, 4. Physiological manifestations. The significance of these will be apparent later. Following the brief scientific analysis concerning stigmaties in general, specific data, regarding Francis " ecstasy and vision, as contained in the work Fioretti, which will give the background leading to the vision, as well as a description of the phenomenon. The stigmatisation of Francis of Assisi, due to the results of his vision, are ascribed to a singular prayer. The prayer is an intense pleading on his part that he may experience the sufferings of Christ in his body and soul. In the prayer, Francis desires Divine instigation of the experience and thirsts to experience this not just with his soul, but with his body. Thus, surrendering himself to ecstatic prayer, he did not renounce his body, but was inviting earthly, or bodily sensations, i.e., physical suffering. Francis " prayer was answered. The chronicle says that, " Francis felt himself completely transformed into Christ. " This transformation was not only in spirit, but also in body, i.e., not only in spiritual and psychological sensations, but also in physical ones. How did the vision actually occur? First of all, quite unexpectedly for him, Francis saw something described as miraculous: he saw a six-winged Seraph, similar to the one described by the Prophet Isaiah, coming down from heaven to him. (First stage of vision). Then, after the Seraph approached, Francis, thirsting for Jesus and feeling himself " transformed into Christ, " began to see Christ on the Seraph, nailed to a cross. In the words of the chronicle, " And this Seraph came so close to the saint that Francis could clearly and distinctly see on the Seraph the image of the Crucified One. " (Second state of vision). Francis recognized in the image of the Seraph Christ Himself Who had come down to him. He felt Christ " s suffering on his body, whereupon his desire to experience this suffering was satisfied. (Third stage of vision). Then the stigmata began to appear on his body. His striving and fervent praying appeared to be answered. (Fourth stage of vision). |
| A Comparison: Francis of Assisi and St. Seraphim of Sarov Lives of Saints Last Updated: Feb 8th, 2011 - 05:50:02 A Comparison: Francis of Assisi and St. Seraphim of Sarov By Fr. George Macris Aug 1, 2009, 10:00 Discuss this article Printer friendly page Source: Orthodox Christian Information Center During my prayer two great lights appeared before me (deux grandes lumibres m " ont ete montrees)—one in which I recognized the Creator, and another in which I recognized myself. —Francis " own words about his prayer He (Fr Serge) thought about the fact that he was a burning lamp, and the more he felt that, the more he felt a weakening, a quenching of the divine light of truth burning within him. —L.N. Tolstoy, " Father Serge. " The truly righteous always consider themselves unworthy of God. —Dictum of St Isaac the Syrian Studying the biographical data of Francis of Assisi, a fact of the utmost interest concerning the mysticism of this Roman Catholic ascetic is the appearance of stigmata on his person. Roman Catholics regard such a striking manifestation as the seal of the Holy Spirit. In Francis " case, these stigmata took on the form of the marks of Christ " s passion on his body. The stigmatisation of Francis is not an exceptional phenomenon among ascetics of the Roman Catholic world. Stigmatisation appears to be characteristic of Roman Catholic mysticism in general, both before it happened to Francis, as well as after. Peter Damian, as an example, tells of a monk who bore the representation of the Cross on his body. Caesar of Geisterbach mentions a novice whose forehead bore the impress of a Cross. Also, a great deal of data exists, testifying to the fact that after Francis " death a series of stigmatisations occurred which, subsequently, have been thoroughly studied by various investigators, particularly in recent times. These phenomena, as V. Guerier says, illuminate their primary source. Many of them were subjected to careful observation and recorded in detail, e.g.,, the case of Veronica Giuliani (1660-1727) who was under doctor " s observation; Luisa Lato (1850-1883) described by Dr Varleman, and Madelaine N. (1910) described by Janat. |
| Muchos y diversos factores contribuyeron a este extraordinario desarrollo litúrgico, que comienza en el siglo IV y se acentúa en los siglos sucesivos. El primer factor es el traslado de las reliquias de los mártires, no obstante las rigurosas disposiciones de las leyes antiguas, que salvaguardaban la inviolabilidad de los sepulcros. Esto sucedió primeramente en Oriente. Fundada Bizancio, la nueva Roma, se la quiso enriquecer, a semejanza de la antigua, de reliquias de mártires. Y así Constancio en el 356 transportó los restos de San Timoteo; en el 357, los de San Andrés y San Lucas, y más tarde, de San Foca y de algunos mártires egipcios. Bajo Teodoro (379–395) se hizo lo mismo con las reliquias de San Pablo de Cucuso, de los mártires Terencio y Africano y de la cabeza de San Juan Bautista. A Antioquía se transportaron también los cuerpos de San Ignacio, de San Melecio, de San Babila; a Cesárea, el de San Sabas; a Alejandría, los restos del Precursor. Los despojos de los mártires eran llevados en triunfo por las ciudades y depositados en templos erigidos a propósito, donde daban origen a un nuevo centro de culto. Además, en esta misma época no sólo fueron exhumados fácilmente de los lugares primitivos los despojos de los mártires, sino que, para satisfacer el deseo de obispos, iglesias y particulares, se dividieron con la misma facilidad las reliquias. En Roma, donde sobre este punto eran muy severos, a duras penas se concedían reliquias tocadas; pero en otras iglesias, y especialmente en Oriente, eran mucho más amplios. De las reliquias de San Esteban, encontradas en el 415 en Caphargamala, se enriqueció todo el mundo, y las de los Santos Gervasio y Protasio, dice Gregorio de Tours, per universam Italiam vel Galliam délatac sunt. Es cierto que la fecha de la deposición de las reliquias era cuidadosamente anotada, y muchas veces venía a ser como el equivalente del dies natalis del mártir cuando por ventura se ignoraba éste. Muchas inscripciones africanas lo recuerdan: Positae sunt reliquiae S. luliani et Laurentii cum sociis suis, per manus Colombi episcopt sanctae ecclesiae universis... sub pridie nonas octobris. Memoriae sanctorum martyrum Laurentv, Hippolyti, Eufemiae, Mimnae et de Cruce Domini, depositae die III nonas Februarias. De este modo, los mártires más ilustres, rotas las barreras del reducido culto local, pudieron en poco tiempo difundirse en las principales iglesias de la cristiandad, entrar en sus martirologios y en sus dípticos y tener casi un culto universal. San Agustín podía decir ya de San Vicente: Quae hodie regio, quaeve provincia ulla, quousque vel romanum imperium vel christianum nomen extenditur, natalem non gaudet celebrare Vincentii? El Culto de los Santos |
| A Comparison: Francis of Assisi and St. Seraphim of Sarov From the above points taken from a comparison of the two visions and of what Francis and St Seraphim experienced in these, there is a sharp difference in the mysticism of the two. St Seraphim " s mysticism appears as a purely spiritual ecstasy, as something bestowed on the ascetic, as a gift of a spiritual vision, as an enlightenment of his higher intellect, while Francis " spiritual experience is a mysticism induced by his will, and obviously darkened by his own imagination and sensuality. Source: Orthodox Christian Information Center During my prayer two great lights appeared before me (deux grandes lumibres m’ont ete montrees)—one in which I recognized the Creator, and another in which I recognized myself. —Francis’ own words about his prayer He (Fr Serge) thought about the fact that he was a burning lamp, and the more he felt that, the more he felt a weakening, a quenching of the divine light of truth burning within him. —L.N. Tolstoy, “Father Serge.” The truly righteous always consider themselves unworthy of God. —Dictum of St Isaac the Syrian Studying the biographical data of Francis of Assisi, a fact of the utmost interest concerning the mysticism of this Roman Catholic ascetic is the appearance of stigmata on his person. Roman Catholics regard such a striking manifestation as the seal of the Holy Spirit. In Francis’ case, these stigmata took on the form of the marks of Christ’s passion on his body. The stigmatisation of Francis is not an exceptional phenomenon among ascetics of the Roman Catholic world. Stigmatisation appears to be characteristic of Roman Catholic mysticism in general, both before it happened to Francis, as well as after. Peter Damian, as an example, tells of a monk who bore the representation of the Cross on his body. Caesar of Geisterbach mentions a novice whose forehead bore the impress of a Cross. Also, a great deal of data exists, testifying to the fact that after Francis’ death a series of stigmatisations occurred which, subsequently, have been thoroughly studied by various investigators, particularly in recent times. These phenomena, as V. Guerier says, illuminate their primary source. Many of them were subjected to careful observation and recorded in detail, e.g.,, the case of Veronica Giuliani (1660-1727) who was under doctor’s observation; Luisa Lato (1850-1883) described by Dr Varleman, and Madelaine N. (1910) described by Janat. |
| Gilbert, «Convert» Gilbert, Gary. «The Making of a Jew: " God-Fearer» or Convert in the Story of Izates.» Union Seminary Quarterly Review 44 (1990–1991): 299–313. Gilbert, «Notes» Gilbert, George H. «Exegetical Notes: John, Chapter I.» The Biblical World 13 (1899): 42–46. Ginsberg, «Scrolls» Ginsberg, H. L. «The Cave Scrolls and the Jewish Sects: New Light on a Scholarly Mystery.» Commentary 16 (1953): 77–81. Ginsburg, Essenes/Ginsburg, Kabbalah Ginsburg, Christian D. The Essenes: Their History and Doctrines (1864); The Kabbalah: Its Doctrines, Development, and Literature (1863). Repr., London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1955. Ginzberg, «Cabala» Ginzberg, Louis. «Cabala.» Pages 459–79 in vo1. 3 of The Jewish Encyclopedia. Edited by Isidore Singer. 12 vols. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1901–1906. Girard, «Composition» Girard, Marc. «La composition structurelle des sept " signes» dans le quatrième évangile.» SR 9 (1980): 315–24. Gispert-Sauch, «Upanisad» Gispert-Sauch, G. «Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1.3.28 in Greek Literature?» Vidyajyoti 40 (1976): 177–80. Gitler, «Amulets» Gitler, Haim. «Four Magical and Christian Amulets.» Studii biblici franciscani liber annuus 40 (1990): 365–74. Glasson, Advent Glasson, T. Francis. The Second Advent: The Origin of the New Testament Doctrine. 3d rev. ed. London: Epworth, 1963. Glasson, «Anecdote» Glasson, T. Francis. «The Place of the Anecdote: A Note on Form Criticism.» JTS NS 32 (1981): 142–250. Glasson, «Colossians» Glasson, T. Francis. «Colossians I 18,15 and Sirach XXIV .» NovT 11 (1969): 154–56. Glasson, « John 1 9» Glasson, T. Francis. « John 1 9 and a Rabbinic Tradition.» ZNW 46 (1958): 288–90. Glasson, «Logos Doctrine» Glasson, T. Francis. «Heraclitus» Alleged Logos Doctrine.» JTS NS 3 (1952): 231–38. Glasson, Moses Glasson, T. Francis. Moses in the Fourth Gospe1. SBT 40. Naperville, 111.: Allenson, 1963. Glasson, «Notes» Glasson, T. Francis. «Two Notes on the Philippians Hymn (II.6–11).» NTS 21 (1974–1975): 133–39. Glatzer, «Prophecy» Glatzer, Nahum Norbert. «A Study of the Talmudic Interpretation of Prophecy.» The Review of Religion 10 (1945–1946): 115–37. |
| Moeller, «Motifs» Moeller, Henry R. «Wisdom Motifs and John " s Gospe1.» Bulletin of the Evangelical Theological Society 6 (1963): 92–100. Moffatt, Corinthians Moffatt, James D. The First Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians. Moffatt New Testament Commentary. London: Hodder 8c Stoughton, 1938. Moffatt, Hebrews Moffatt, James D. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews. International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1924. Moffatt, «Revelation» Moffatt, James D. «Revelation.» Pages 279–494 in vo1. 5 of The Expositor " s Greek Testament. Edited by W. Robertson Nicol1. 5 vols. 1897–1910. Repr., Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979. Moloney, Belief Moloney, Francis J. Belief in the Word: Reading the Fourth Gospel– John 1–4 . Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993. Moloney, «Bosom» Moloney, Francis J. « John 1:18 : «In the Bosom of or »Turned towards» the Father?» ABR 31 (1983): 63–71. Moloney, «Cana» Moloney, Francis J. «From Cana to Cana ( Jn 2:1–4:54 ) and the Fourth Evangelist " s Concept of Correct (and Incorrect) Faith.» Salesianum 40 (1978): 817–43. Moloney, «Jesus of History» Moloney, Francis J. «The Fourth Gospel and the Jesus of History.» NTS 46, no. 1 (2000): 42–58. Moloney, «Mary» Moloney, Francis J. «Mary in the Fourth Gospel: Woman and Mother.» Salesianum 51 (1989): 421–40. Moloney, «Reading» Moloney, Francis J. «A Sacramental Reading of John 13:1–38 .» CBQ 53 (1991): 237–56. Moloney, Signs Moloney, Francis J. Signs and Shadows: Reading John 5–12 . Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996. Momigliano, Historiography Momigliano, Arnaldo. Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography. Oxford: Blackwell, 1977. Mondin, «Esistenza» Mondin, Battista. «Esistenza, natura, inconoscibilità, e ineffabilità di Dio nel pensiero di Filone Alessandrino.» Scuola cattolica 95 (1967): 423–47. Monshouwer, «Reading» Monshouwer, Dirk. «The Reading of the Bible in the Synagogue in the First Century.» Bijdragen 51 (1990): 68–84. Monson et a1., Manual Monson, J., et a1. Student Map Manual: Historical Geography of the Bible Lands. Jerusalem: Pictorial Archive, 1979. |
| 1. An intense labor of mental imagination, 2. Suggestion, 3. Sensual feelings, and, 4. Physiological manifestations. The significance of these will be apparent later. Following the brief scientific analysis concerning stigmaties in general, specific data, regarding Francis’ ecstasy and vision, as contained in the work Fioretti, which will give the background leading to the vision, as well as a description of the phenomenon. The stigmatisation of Francis of Assisi, due to the results of his vision, are ascribed to a singular prayer. The prayer is an intense pleading on his part that he may experience the sufferings of Christ in his body and soul. In the prayer, Francis desires Divine instigation of the experience and thirsts to experience this not just with his soul, but with his body. Thus, surrendering himself to ecstatic prayer, he did not renounce his body, but was inviting earthly, or bodily sensations, i.e., physical suffering. Francis’ prayer was answered. The chronicle says that, “Francis felt himself completely transformed into Christ.” This transformation was not only in spirit, but also in body, i.e., not only in spiritual and psychological sensations, but also in physical ones. How did the vision actually occur? First of all, quite unexpectedly for him, Francis saw something described as miraculous: he saw a six-winged Seraph, similar to the one described by the Prophet Isaiah, coming down from heaven to him. (First stage of vision). Then, after the Seraph approached, Francis, thirsting for Jesus and feeling himself “transformed into Christ,” began to see Christ on the Seraph, nailed to a cross. In the words of the chronicle, “And this Seraph came so close to the saint that Francis could clearly and distinctly see on the Seraph the image of the Crucified One.” (Second state of vision). Francis recognized in the image of the Seraph Christ Himself Who had come down to him. He felt Christ’s suffering on his body, whereupon his desire to experience this suffering was satisfied. (Third stage of vision). Then the stigmata began to appear on his body. His striving and fervent praying appeared to be answered. (Fourth stage of vision). |
| L., 1986; Azcona J. M. Bibliografía de San Francisco de Javier. Pamplona, 1952; Brodrick J. Saint Francis Xavier (1506-1552). L., 1952; Grasso D. Il pensiero di S. Francesco Saverio sulla salvezza degli antichi pagani//Studia Missionalia. 1953. T. 7. P. 109-123; L é on-Dufour X. Saint François Xavier: Itinéraire mystique de l " apôtre. P., 1953; Wicki G., Raggi A. M. Francesco Saverio//BiblSS. Vol. 5. Col. 1226-1238; Elizalde I. San Francisco Xavier en la literatura española. Madrid, 1961; S. Francisco de Xavier, apóstolo das Indias. Lisboa, 1963; Aoyama P. Die Missionstätigkeit des hl. Franz Xaver in Japan aus japanischer Sicht. St. Augustin, 1967; Recondo Iribarren J. M. Francés de Xavier. Pamplona, 1970; idem. San Francisco Javier. Madrid, 1999; Aubert R., Bernard-Maitre H., Gilmont J.-F. François de Xavier (Saint)//DHGE. T. 28. Col. 773-791; Neill S. A History of Christianity in India. Camb., 1984. Vol. 1: The Beginnings to AD 1707; Bourdon L. La Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon: La fondation de la mission japonaise par François Xavier (1547-1551) et les premiers résultats de la prédication chrétienne sous le supériorat de Cosme de Torres (1551-1570). P., 1993; O " Malley J. W. The First Jesuits. Camb. (Mass.), 1993; Alonso Romo E. J. Los escritos portugueses de San Francisco Javier. Braga, 2000; Bermejo L. M. Unto the Indies: Life of St. Francis Xavier. Anand, 2000; Franz Xaver - Patron der Missionen: FS zum 450. Todestag/Hrsg. R. Haub, J. Oswald. Regensburg, 2002; Lacouture J. Dialog in Yamaguchi: Weitreichende Ansätze in Franz Xavers Mission. Mannheim, 2002; Osswald M. C. The Iconography and Cult of Francis Xavier, 1552-1640//AHSI. 2002. T. 71. N 142. P. 259-277; Oswald J. Ignatius Loyola and Francis Xavier//Ibid. P. 231-247; Garcia Guti é rrez F. San Francisco Javier en el arte de España y Oriente. Sevilla, 2005; S. Francisco Xavier: 450 anos da sua morte (1552-2002). Braga, 2005; upanov I. G. Missionary Tropics: The Catholic Frontier in India (16th-17th Cent.). |
| Кат. 63, 75, 105, 127, 131, 158, 190, 203, 272, 274, 372; Burgess R. W. The Passio St. Artemii, Philostorgius and the Dates of the Invention and Translations of the Relics of Saints Andrew and Luke//AnBoll. 2003. Vol. 121. P. 5-36; Bellinati C. Peregrinazioni del corpo di San Luca Evangelista nel primo millennio (120 c.- 1177)//San Luca Evangelista testimone della fede che unisce: Atti del Congr. intern., Padova, 16-21 ottobre 2000. Padova, 2003. Vol. 2. P. 173-199; Bellinati C. et al. Conclusive synthesis//Ibid. P. 747-749; Capitanio M. Studio antropologico dello scheletro attribuito a San Luca Evangelista della basilica di Santa Giustina in Padova//Ibid. P. 255-282; Cecchelli M. Considerazioni sul contesto storico-culturale del reperto e sul significato del simbolo//Ibid. P. 729-743; Molin G. et al. Indagini sulle reliquie attribuite a «San Luca Evangelista», basilica di Santa Giustina in Padova: Studi cristallochimici, isotopici e datazione mediante//Ibid. P. 313-336; Paganelli A. «Arca di San Luca Evangelista»: Risultati sull " indagine palinologica//Ibid. P. 389-466; Sala B. I resti di microvertebrati della tomba di San Luca Evangelista//Ibid. P. 373-388; Terribile Wiel Marin V. L " approccio interdisciplinare alla ricognizione di San Luca Evangelista//Ibid. P. 159-172; Vernesi C. et al. Caratterizzazione genetica del corpo attribuito a San Luca//Ibid. P. 337-353; Bottecchia Deho M. E. Tradizione greca su Luca Evangelista vista in relazione alla sepoltura//Ibid. Padova, 2004. Vol. 3. P. 203-232; Cuscito G. Indizi per una traslazione di Luca a Padova durante la furia iconoclasta//Ibid. P. 523-531; Fedalto G. Ipotesi sulla traslazione delle reliquie a Padova//Ibid. Р. 533-542; Godding R. San Luca nella tradizione agiografica latina//Ibid. P. 135-150; Micalella D. Giuliano Imperatore a Costantinopoli e la presunta traslazione delle reliquie di San Luca//Ibid. Р. 543-562; Morini E. Le reliquie veneziane di San Luca Evangelista//Ibid. P. 379-420; Tilatti A. San Luca nell " agiografia padovana medioevale//Ibid. |
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