| 7589 1 Th 4:13; Acts 7:60; Rev 14:13; Sir 30:17 ; Jub. 23:1; 36:18; 1 En. 89:38; Pss. So1. 2:31; L.A.B. 3:10; 4Ezra7:31–32;2Bar. 11:4;21:25; 36:11; T.Mos. 10:14; L.A.E.48:2; T.Dan 7:1; T. Iss. 7:9; T.Zeh. 10:6; Gen. Rah. 62:2. 7590 E.g., Sophocles Oed. co1. 1578; Callimachus Epigrams 11, 18; Plutarch Apol1. 12, Mor. 107D; Propertius Eleg. 2.28.25; Diogenes Laertius 1.86; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 3.6. See also in unrelated societies (Mbiti, Religions, 204–5). 7592 E.g., Chariton 5.5.5–6; for such an announcement that one was dead, Plutarch Cimon 18.7. An orator sometimes intended an audience to take his words the opposite of the way he put them (Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137), but this was irony, not deliberate obscurity. 7593 Sleep allows respite from pain (Sophocles Track 988–991); conversely, loss of sleep can hasten death (Livy 40.56.9) or illness (Livy 22.2.11); one could be tortured to death by lack of sleep (Aulus Gellius 7.4.4; Cicero Pis. 19.43; Valerius Maximus 9.2.axf.l). Lack of sleep could stem from self-discipline (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.64.2; Livy 23.18.12; Silius Italicus 9.4–5), devotion to Torah ( Ps 119:55, 148 ; 1QS 6.7–8), or repentance (Jos. Asen. 18MSS); sickness (Hippocrates Regimen in Acute Diseases 1–2; Prorrhetic 1.135–136; love-sickness (Achilles Tatius 1.6; PGM 101.5–7), jealousy (Plutarch Themistocles 3.3–4), fear (Publilius Syrus 359; Plutarch Alex. 31.4; Silius Italicus 13.256–257), anxiety caused by vice (Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100F), or other anxiety (Homer Il. 2.2–3; Aristophanes Lys. 27; Livy 40.56.9; Plutarch Cicero 35.3); mourning (Homer Il. 24.4–6); idleness during the day (m. Abot 3:4); or hardships (Arrian Ind. 34.7; Gen 31:40 ; perhaps 2Cor 11:27 ; Chariton 1.2.3). 7594 In 11δοκω (here the aorist δοξαν) signifies misunderstanding, as it always does in John (5:39,45; 13:29; 16:2; 20:15), including in this context (11:31, 56). 7595 Bernard, John, 2:380, suggests that Jesus " joy relates to fulfilling his mission (cf. 4:36; 15:11; 17:13). |
| 551 See Robbins, «Pronouncement Stories» (around 200 in Plutarch " s Lives); Alsup, «Pronouncement Story» (in Plutarch " s Moralia); Poulos, «Pronouncement Story» (close to 500 in Diogenes Laertius). 552 These seem to have been substantially rarer in strictly Jewish works; cf. VanderKam, «Pronouncement Stories» (finding only nineteen «intertestamental» examples, mainly in Γ. Job and Ahiqar); Porton, «Pronouncement Story» (few in the tannaitic stratum, though Porton may limit them too much, as Theissen, Gospels, 120 n. 143 also observes); Greenspoon, «Pronouncement Story» (Philo and Josephus did not add these to biblical narratives, and used them only rarely). 554 Bultmann, Tradition, 88–89, may, however, be too optimistic at how quickly it may have grown in a relatively short span of time; his evidence (e.g., Sir 29:1–6 ) does not adequately support his conclusions. His evidence on 194 presupposes a longer period of time than is likely in the transmission and then redaction of gospel traditions. 555 «Abot R. Nat. 22, §46 B, on R. Akiba and Ben Azzai; m. »Abot 3:9,17 (R. Hanina ben Dosa and R. Elazar ben Azariah). 556 Cf. Diogenes Laertius 2.60; Ariston 1 in Plutarch Sayings of Spartans, Mor. 218A; Themistocles 2 in Plutarch Sayings of Kings and Commanders, Mor. 185A, and Alexander in Dio Chrysotom Or. 2; Alcibiades 1 in Plutarch Sayings of Kings and Commanders, Mor. 186D, and a Spartan in Mor. 234E; Plutarch Marcus Cato 2.4; the story in Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.485; Athenaeus Deipn. 550; and Diogenes Laertius 4.37 (Philostratus LCL 14–15 n.2); note also Musonius Rufus frg. 51, p. 144.3–7, 10–19. See Aune, Environment, 35, on the transference of Greek chreiai, because «they tended to represent what was useful rather than unique» (Malherbe, Exhortation, 100). Sometimes one teacher reused his own speeches; cf. Crosby " s Loeb introduction to Dio Chrysostom Or. 66 (LCL 5:86–87). 558 Still, some of them, such as Taylor, Formation, passim; and Dibelius, Tradition, 62, saw much of the tradition as essentially historical; Bultmann, Tradition, passim, was more radica1. |
| 865 A disciple could start in boyhood (Eunapius Lives 461; cf. Acts 22:3; or schoolteachers, Plutarch Camillus 10.1; Watson, «Education,» 310–12). 866 Leon, Jews, 229, notes the preponderance of early deaths (before the age of ten) in the inscriptions, but also observes (230) that «epitaphs tended to record the age of those who died young.» Perhaps only 13 percent reached sixty (Dupont, Life, 233). 867 The elderly figure of Polycarp in Martyrdom of Polycarp may also be modeled after John, though one could also argue the reverse. 868 Bruce, Peter, 121–22, cites Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.31.3–4; 5.24.2, for the early tradition (from Polycrates of Ephesus and Proclus) concerning Philip s family and John. 869 It also dulled taste (Athenaeus Deipn. 9.404D). Aulus Gellius 15.7 thinks one safer if one survived to onés 64th birthday (though Themistocles died by suicide at 65!–Plutarch Themistocles 31.5). P. Bik. 2:1, §2, makes 60 an average age for death, 70 a blessing, and after 80 life becomes difficult; in p. Ber. 1:5, seventy is a long life; in Seneca Ep. Luci1. 77.20,99 is extremely old. 870 Valerius Maximus 8.7.1; Dupont, Life, 233–34. Plutarch Marcus Cato 15.4 quotes a wise saying Cato uttered at his trial at age 86; Cicero Brutus 20.80 recalls a powerful speech Cato delivered in the year of his death (which he places at 85). Musonius Rufus 17, p. 110.7, comments on someone doing well at age 90. 871 Diodorus Siculus 32.16.1, Valerius Maximus 8.13.ext.l, and Polybius 36.16.1–5, 11, on Masinissa of North Africa at 90. Agesilaus continued to rule competently at about 80 (Xenophon Agesilaus 2.28); though his body weakened, his soul remained strong (Agesilaus 11.14–15). Polybius reports an envoy aged 80 (though he died then; 30.21.1–2). 872 Valerius Maximus does, however, accept some ancient reports uncritically (ages 500 and 800 in 8.13.7). 873 Carson, Moo, and Morris, Introduction, 150; Leon Morris was in his 70s when he contributed to that introduction. 874 Even as an old man, he claims, his memory fails only when unprompted, but remains good if his memory is jogged by some cue (Seneca Controv. 9.pref.l). His son Seneca the Younger also exceeded expectations for old age (Nat 3.pref.l-2). For some aged Stoics, see Lucian Octogenarians (LCL 1:238–39). |
| 10548 Cf. Grant, Gods, 66, 54–55,64–65. 10549 So, e.g., Plutarch Cor. 3.4 (writing of the time of Tarquin, 3.1); or, less dramatically, the appearance of the Dioscurís stars (Plutarch Lysander 12.1; 18.1). 10550 E.g., Schweizer, Jesus, 48–49. 10551 Grayzel, History, 516; Bamberger, Story, 240. 10552 Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, 920; Greenstone, Messiah, 225–30. 10553 Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 182–84. 10554 Somewhat similarly, Saulnier, «Josephe,» suggests that Josephus borrows the tradition from Flavian propaganda. 10555 Tacitus Hist. 5.13.2–7 likely depends on Josephus War 6.288–315. 10556 E.g., Aulus Gellius 4.6.2. 10557 E.g., Lucan C.W. 1.526–557; most obviously, who reported on Charybdis (1.547–548)? 10558 Lucan C.W. 1.572–573. 10559 E.g., many of the portents listed in Livy 21.62.5; 24.10.7–10; 25.7.7–8; 26.23.4–5; 27.4.11–14; 27.11.2–5; 29.37.1–5; 29.14.3; 32.1.10–12; 33.26.7–8; 34.45.6–7; 35.9.2–3; 35.21.3–6; 36.37.2–3; 40.45.1–4; 41.21.12–13; 43.13.3–6; 45.16.5; Lucan C.W. 1.562–563. 10560 E.g., Livy 21.62.4–5; 24.10.10; 42.2.4; Plutarch Themistocles 15.1; Herodian 8.3.8–9. 10561 Appian C.W. 4.1.4 (43 B.C.E.); one of the portents in Livy 24.44.8 (213 B.C.E.); Caesar C.W. 3.105; Philostratus Hrk. 56.2. 10562 E.g., Livy 24.10.11; 24.44.8. If I correctly interpret Livy " s summaries, in some cases some reported seeing figures at another location when those present at that location could not confirm them. 10563 Livy 21.62.5. 10564 E.g., Livy 21.62.1; Herodian 8.3.8 (though he concludes that it is credible, 8.3.9). 10565 Livy 21.62.1; 24.10.6; 27.37.2; 29.14.2. 10566 Simenel, «lean 20,» compares the position of the cherubim on the mercy seat, hence the tomb with the ark of the covenant; this is possible but may be overreaching; after all, Jesus» presence was gone from the site. 10567 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 112; Livy 27.37.11–12. Cf. the temple of Jupiter (Livy 40.51.3). 10568 Plutarch Isis 3–4, Mor. 352C; Appian C. W. 4.6.47; Apuleius Metam. 11.10,23; Lewis, Life, 92; other worshipers of Io (apparently Isis) in Ovid Metam. 1.747. |
| 7267 Alciphron Farmers 16 (Pithacnion to Eustachys), 3.19, par. 1–2; this remains common today in some African towns where I have stayed. Either the robber or the homeowner might be bound (Xenophon Anab. 6.1.8; Matt 12:29); a homeowner could kill a thief if he came at night or armed (Cicero Mi1. 3.9; Exod 22:2; Eshnunna 13; cf. Eshnunna 12). 7273 Phaedrus 4.23.16; 2Cor 11:26 ; m. Ber. 1:3; b. c Abod. Zar. 25b; Ber. lia; B. Qam. 116b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6; Gen. Rab. 75:3; Exod. Rab. 30:24; cf. sources in Friedländer, Life, 1:294–96; Hock, Context, 78 n. 19; Tannaitic sources in Goodman, State, 55. In ancient romances, robbers also carried off young women (Achilles Tatius 2.16.2; 2.18.5; 3.9.3). 7275 E.g., Horace Ep. 1.2.32–33; Apuleius Metam. 8.17; 1 Esd 4:23–24; Sib. Or. 3.380; Josephus Ant. 14.159–160,415,421; 20.5,113,124; Life 105; Treat. Shem 6:1; 7:20; b. Sanh. 108a; Lev. Rab. 9:8. The poor may have been less frequent targets (Dio Chrysostom Or. 7, Euboean Discourse, §§9–10). 7278 MacMullen, Relations, 2, and many sources cited in his notes; he compares the dogs with those outside many contemporary Anatolian villages, «able to tear a man in pieces.» They often targeted wolves (Longus 1.21), but dogs could prove faithful to their masters (Appian R.H. 11.10.64; Sei. Pap. 3:460–63 in 3 B.C.E.; Xenophon Mem. 2.3.9; Plutarch Themistocles 10.6; p. Ter. 8:7; cf. some tamed in Xenophon Eph. 4.6; 5.2; one surprisingly tame in Philostratus Hrk. 2.2). 7280 E.g., Aristophanes Wasps 952; Virgil Georg. 3.406–408; Phaedrus 3.15.1; Babrius 93.3–11; Plutarch Demosthenes 23.4; Valerius Flaccus 1.158–159. 7282 Against the masses (κλπτοα και λωποδτοα, Epictetus Diatr. 1.18.3, though he thinks them just misled; cf. ληστς in 1.18.5) or those who think they control the body (Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.28). 7283 Cicero Phi1. 2.25.62 (rapinas); technically it was the duty of governors to suppress robbers (Plutarch Cicero 36.4). 7284 The exception might be a use for someone deceptive and cunning (Xenophon Cyr. 1.6.27), which could be positive toward onés enemies (1.6.28). That Jesus is a «good thief» here (Derrett, «Shepherd»; cf. Matt 24:43) is highly unlikely; that the lack of identification of Jesus with the thief would make the parable early (Robinson, Studies, 72, who wrongly makes the tradition of Rev 3:3; 16late) is likewise unlikely. |
| 7954 In the Targumim (Westcott, John, 185; Dahl, «History,» 131; Schnackenburg, John, 2:416; McNamara, Targum, 100; Boring et a1., Commentary, 294; Kirchhevel, «Children»). On early Jewish premises concerning God " s glory, this would be a natural inference from Isa 6:3–4. 7957 Isaiah had predicted a new revelation of glory at the new exodus (Isa 40:5; cf. 40:3, cited in John 1:23 ; Isa 24:23; 35:2; 44:23; 46:13; 49:3; 58:8; 59:19; 60:1–2; 66:18–19; 4Q176 frg. 1–2, co1. 1, lines 4–9). 7963 So Bauckham, God Crucified, 49–51, citing the interpretive principle gezerâ shevâ. He also suggests (p. 51) that exaltation to divine glory may have recalled Ps 110 (cf. Acts 2:33; 5:31; combined with Isa 57in Heb 1:3). 7964 See esp. Acts 4:1–2; 5:34–35; 15:5; 21:20; 23:6–8; 26:5. «Rulers» work together with «Pharisees» in 7:26,48; the world «ruler» who may stand behind earthly rulers is evil in 12:31; 14:30; 16:11; but 12:42, like 3:1, allows for more nuancing. For such nuancing with the Pharisees as well, see 9:16. 7965 Cf. Plutarch Themistocles 1.1; Demosthenes 12.1; Eunapius Lives 465. Alexander reportedly craved praise (Arrian Alex. 7.28.1). Some appreciated reputation but warned that it invited trouble (Babrius 4.7). 7966 Dio Chrysostom Or. 66, On Reputation (LCL 5:86–115); Seneca Ep. Luci1. 123.16; cf. also Porphyry Marc. 15.253 (where, however, the term bears the common nuance of «opinion,» as in, e.g., 17.284). Human mortality also relativized the value of glory (Diogenes Laertius 5.40, citing Theophrastus), and reputation invited trouble (Babrius 4.6–8). 7967 E.g., Xenophon Hiero 7.3 (φιλοτιμα); Philostratus Hrk. 23.23; 45.8; see comment on 5for the appropriate seeking of glory in antiquity. 7968 E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.1.8 (Socrates); Diogenes Ep. 4; Socrates Ep. 6; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 3.9; Marcus Aurelius 7.34; Philo Spec. Laws 1.281. Diogenes the Cynic reportedly attacked all those who were bound by reputation (νδοξολογοντας, Diogenes Laertius 6.2.47). Cf. condemnations (albeit sometimes qualified) of «self-love» in Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.11; Plutarch Flatterer 1, Mor. 49A; Praising 19, Mor. 546F; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.90; Philo Confusion 128; Worse 32; 2Tim 3:2 ; Sent. Sext. 138; more favorable in Aristotle N.E. 9.8.1–5, 1168ab; cf. also discussion in Grant, Paul, 41. |
| 7169 With Lightfoot, Gospel, 203. Some also find echoes of Wisdom seeking out disciples (Wis 6:16; Blomberg, Reliability, 156). 7174 Especially in the East, e.g., Valerius Maximus 7.3.ext.2; Chariton 5.2.2; often with connotations Jews would have avoided, Arrian Alex. 4.11.8; Cornelius Nepos 9 (Conon), 3.3; Greeks disliked it because they valued freedom (Plutarch Themistocles 27.3–4; Heliodorus Aeth. 7.19), Jews because they venerated only one God (Esth 3:2,5; Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 19:1 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 26:35 ; though cf. Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 18:2; 24:48; 33:3; 42:6; 43:26 ). 7175 E.g., 3Macc 5:50. The Gentile family of Pentephres προσεκνησαν before Joseph in Jos. Asen. 5:7/10, but Joseph recounts that he προσεκνησα before Pentephris in T. Jos. 13:5. Perhaps this was less complete prostration than Eastern monarchs required (and to which Greeks also objected). 7177 Josephus Life 138; Menander Rhetor 2.13,423.27; Herodian 7.5.4. One ancient Greek form of supplication involved clasping the knees of the person from whom one needed help (Homer il 1.427; Euripides Orest. 382). 7178 Also Hoskyns, Gospel, 359; cf., e.g., T. Ab. 9:1–2; 18:10A. Cf. Rev 4:10; 5:14; 7:11; 11:1, 16; 14:7; 15:4; 19:4; such worship was emphatically due only God and the Lamb–not angels (Rev 19:10; 22:8–9) or anyone else (e.g., Rev 19:20; 20:4). 7180 E.g., Sophocles Oed. tyr. 371, 375, 402–403, 419, 454, 747, 1266–1279; Ovid Metam. 3.336–338, 525; Apollodorus 3.6.7. Cf. Phineas in Apollonius of Rhodes 2.184; Apollodorus 1.9.21; M. Perperna in Valerius Maximus 8.13.5. Literal «blind guides» are better than ignoring the gods (Xenophon Mem. 1.3.4). 7182 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.18; Plato Rep. 6.484BD; Catullus 64.207–209; Iamblichus V.P. 6.31; 32.228; inferior thoughts about the divine in Porphyry Marc. 18.307. The impious cannot judge piety, for the blind would call seeing blindness (Heraclitus Ep. 4). Platós Socrates claimed to expose the ignorance of those who claimed knowledge (Apology of Socrates in Bruns, Art, 45); less relevant would be philosophers» teaching on the deceitfulness of the senses (Plato Phaedo 83A; see comment on John 8:15–16 ). Greeks usually viewed «sin» in stark moral terms less than most of Judaism did (Euripides Hipp. 615; Aristotle N.E. 4.3.35, 1125a; Nock, «Vocabulary,» 137; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 118). |
| 10315 Cf. Petronius Sat. 112. Daube, «Gospels,» 342, thinks that Jewish custom also usually withheld anointing from corpses of the executed. Bammel, «Trial,» 444, thinks that requests for the body usually preceded the execution (as in Gos. Pet. 2:3ff). 10316 E.g., Homer I1. 24.22–137; Sophocles Ajax 1326–1369; Ant. 278–279, 450–455, 692–695, 1348–1353; Euripides Supp1. 19; Cicero Verr. 2.1.3.7; Lucan C.W. 7.809–811; Valerius Maximus 5.3.ext.3c; Philostratus Hrk. 33.32. 10317 E.g., Homer I1. 7.79,84,409–410; Virgil Aen. 11.100–107; Livy 38.2.14; Appian R.H. 12.9.60: Cornelius Nepos 18 (Eumenes), 13.4; Silius Italicus 10.518–520; 12.473–478; Valerius Maximus 5.1.11; 5.1.ext.6; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.14, 41; 2Sam 2:5; 21:12–14 ; 2Macc 4:49; Josephus Ant. 4.264–265; cf. Ps.-Phoc. 99–101. 10318 Philo Flaccus 83–84; Taylor, Mark, 600; Gnilka, Jesus, 314; Lane, Mark, 578, cites also Cicero Phi1. 2.7.17; Plutarch Antonius 2. 10319 Brown, Death, 1207–8, shows that Justinian Dig. 48.24 reports Roman law as early as Augustus allowing relatives to bury the corpse but refusing it for maiestas (treason); but he rightly observes that magistrates made these decisions themselves in the provinces (cf. Cicero Verr. 2.5.45, §119; Philo Flaccus 83–84). 10320 Brown, Death, 1208–9; whether a crime was truly against the maiestas of the state was sometimes debatable (e.g., Seneca Controv. 9.2.13; cf. the wordplay in Cicero Fam. 3.11.2). The Jewish officials would surely not object to the burial, however, and without opposition Pilate was free to act as he pleased. He had settled matters adequately for the chief priests. 10322 E.g., Herodian 1.13.4–6; 3.5.6; 4.6.1. Continued ties with a prisoner could be dangerous; this concern reduced Apollonius " s disciples by more than three-quarters (Rapske, Custody, 388, citing Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 4.37). 10323 E.g., Cornelius Nepos 1 (Miltiades), 7.5–6; 2 (Themistocles), 8.1–7; 3 (Aristides), 1.1–5; 7 (Alcibiades), 4.1–2; Babrius 4.6–8; 31.23–24; 64.10–11; Phaedrus 1.21.1–2; 2.7.14–15; 3.5.1; 4.6.11–13. |
| Some models of treachery (cf. Homer I1. 10.383,446–459) may have been understood favorably (though Odysseus offered no oath). Even betrayal of friendship occurred in the hostile world of Roman partisan politics (e.g., in Stowers, Letter Writing, 63). 8205 E.g., Lysias Or. 6.23, §105; 8.5–6, §112; Chariton 5.6.2 (φλος); Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 6.3; 11.5; Sir 22:21–22 ; T. Jud. 23:3; cf. Derrett, Audience, 69. This remained true even if onés life were at stake (Babrius 138.7–8); refusing to betray a friend or husband was honorable (Athenaeus Deipn. 15.965F, item 25; Seneca Controv. 2.5.intro.). Treachery and betrayal warranted death (Valerius Maximus 9.6). 8208 Cf., e.g., disgust for traitors against their peoples in Xenophon Hel1. 1.7.22; Cicero Fin. 3.9.32; Virgil Aen. 6.621; Livy 1.11.6–7; 5.27.6–10 (though cf. Livy 4.61.8–10); Valerius Maximus 1.1.13; Seneca Controv. 7.7.intro.; such behavior invited the hatred of even onés family (Livy 2.5.7–8; Cornelius Nepos 4 [Pausanias], 5.3). Loyalty to country might take precedence even over hospitality friendship (Xenophon Hel1. 4.1.34; Cornelius Nepos 13 [Timotheus], 4.4), but disloyalty to friends remained despicable (e.g., Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442.13–14). 8212 E.g., Lysias Or. 12.14, §121; 18.10, §150; Plutarch Cor. 10.3; Cicero Fam. 13.19.1; 13.25.1; 13.36.1; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 3.3; Exod. Rab. 28:1. This was true even over several generations (Homer I1. 6.212–231; Cicero Fam. 13.34.1) and could require the guest-friend to avenge his host (Philostratus Hrk. 46.2–3). Still, though it could be inherited, it could shift along with political interests (Marshall, Enmity, 18–21, 39–42). 8214 E.g., Homer I1. 21.76; Od. 4.534–535; 11.414–420; 14.404–495; Hesiod Op. 327; Euripides Cyc1. 126–128; Hec. 25–26,710–720,850–856; Apollonius of Rhodes 3.377–380; Ovid Metam. 1.144; 10.225–228; Livy 25.16.6. This principle included providing protection from other enemies (Ovid Metam. 5.44–45; Cornelius Nepos 2 [Themistocles], 8.3). |
| 2886 Aristotle Rhet. 3.8.1, 1408b; Cicero Or. Brut. 50.168–69.231; cf. Rowe, «Style,» 154; balanced clauses in Anderson, Glossary, 90–91. Mythical language would fit poetry (Menander Rhetor 1.1, 333.31–334.5; cf., e.g., Isa 51:9) but does not require it (cf., e.g., Rev 12:1–9). 2888 See Cicero Or. Brut. 20.67 (though complaining that poetry can emphasize euphony over intelligible content, 20.68). 2890 Even very careful syllabic structures may represent prose rhetoric rather than poetry per se; e.g., the parallelism characteristic of isocolon and homoeoteleuton; see Rhet. Alex. 27.1435b.39–40; 1436a.1–4; Rowe, «Style,» 137 (citing Isocrates Paneg. 4.39; Cicero Mur. 9; Gorgias He1. 7); Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 580; Anderson, Glossary, 90–91 (citing, e.g., Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.27–28; Demetrius 25). 2894 Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 24. Rhetorical handbooks already insisted that the introduction should summarize the arguments the speech would use (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thucyd. 19; LCL 1:512–513 n. 1 cites Rhet. Alex. 29), though there were some exceptions in spoken rhetoric (Seneca Dial, 1.pref.21). 2896 Quintilian 4.1.5; cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 17; Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137; also Heath, «Invention,» 103. 2897 Artemidorus Onir. 1.pref.; 2Macc 2(at the end of a long prologue). This is not to deny the possibility of long introductory sections after various sorts of prologues (e.g., Polybius 1–2; cf. 2.71.7; Luke 1:5–4:30; Matt 1:18–2:23; probably John 1:1–51 ). 2899 E.g., Xenophon Agesilaus 1.2; Plutarch Themistocles 1.1; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 1.2; but this was not necessary (Philostratus Vit. soph, pref.480). Noble ancestry (especially from deities) helped define a person " s heroic power (Homer II. 20.215–241); it did not, however, guarantee positive outcome in the end (Sallust Cati1. 5.1). 2902 Käsemann, Questions, 164; cf. comments on the Logos " s mythical language in Kümmel, Theology, 282. 2904 An inclusio surrounding a proem appears in a widely read Greek classic, Homer Od. 1.1–10, where 1.1–2 and 1.10 invoke the Muse to tell the story while 1.2–9 summarizes the whole book " s plot, inclusio is frequent (e.g., Catullus 52.1,4; 57.1,10). Cf. also repetition of a refrain in narratives ( Judg 17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25 ); or especially poetry: the wedding invocation to Hymen in Catullus 61.4–5, 39–40, 49–50, 59–60; 62.4–5, 10, 19, 25,31,38, 48,66 (with to added, 61.117–118, 137–138, 142–143, 147–148, 152–153, 157–158, 162–163, 167–168, 172–173, 177–178, 182–183); the bridal summons (Catullus 61.96,106,113); invocation to the Fates (Catullus 64.327, in briefer form thereafter in 333, 337, 342, 347, 352, 356, 361, 365, 371, 375, 381); or a summons to love (Perv. Ven. 1, 8, 27, 36, 48, 57–58, 68, 75, 80, 93). |
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