| (4) Кажется, что латинские и греческие буквы произошли от еврейских 8 . У них ведь первая [буква] называется «алеф», [от которой] потом по сходству названия греки вывели альфу, и отсюда у латинян А. Ведь переводчик (translator) создал букву другого языка по схожести звука, чтобы мы могли знать, что еврейский язык евреев всем языкам и буквам – мать. Однако евреи пользуются 22 буквами (elementa litterarum), как в книгах Ветхого завета, а греки – 24, а латиняне, помещаясь между ними, имеют 23 буквы. (5) Еврейские буквы получили свое начало от Закона через Моисея, а сирийские и халдейские – через Авраама. Ибо последние, хотя и согласуются с еврейскими по числу и произношению, но различаются одним начертанием. Египетские буквы царица Исида (Ио), дочь Инаха, пришедшая из Греции в Египет, открыла и передала египтянам. Ведь у египтян у жрецов были одни буквы, а у народа – другие; жреческие называются ερα, а народные – πνδημοι. Употребление греческих букв первыми открыли финикийцы, поэтому Лукан 9 [говорит]: Если молве доверять, финикийцы впервые дерзнули Звуки людских голосов закрепить в новосозданных знаках. (Lucan., Phars., III, 220). (6) Вот почему финикийским 10 цветом пишутся заголовки книг – потому что они получили начало от их букв. Кадм, сын Агенора, привез из Финикии в Грецию 11 сначала 17 букв – Α (альфа) 12 , Β (бета), Γ (гамма), Δ (дельта), Ε (э-псилон), Ζ (дзета), Ι (йота), Κ (каппа), Λ (лямбда), Μ (мю), Ν (ню), Ο (о-микрон), Π (пи), Ρ (ро), Σ (сигма), Τ (тау), Φ (фи). Паламед 13 во времена Троянской войны добавил такие три – Η (эта), Χ (хи), Ω (о-мега). После этого лирик 14 Симонид 15 добавил еще три: Θ (тхета), Ψ (пси), Ξ (кси). (7) Букву Y (ю-псилон) первым создал Пифагор Самосский 16 по образу человеческой жизни. Ее нижняя палочка обозначает детский возраст, неопределенный, который не отдает себя еще ни добродетели, ни пороку. С развилки выше начинается юность: ее правая дорога крута, но приводит к счастливой жизни, левая же легка, но доводит до падения и гибели. Об этом так говорит Персий 17 : |
| Иез.27:14 . Из дома Фогарма за товары твои доставляли тебе лошадей и строевых коней и лошаков. «Из дома» – племени. Фогарма. По Быт 10.3 сын Гомера Иафетида. Иезекииль Иез.38.6 ставит на крайнем севере между союзниками Гога. Блаж. Иероним и Феодорит видели в них фритийцев (созвучно). Христианские армяне тоже производили себя от них. Та и другая страны (Фриг. и Арм.) славились лошадьми – см. далее (Her. I, 194; VII, 40; Апав. IV, 34; Str. XI, 13, 9). Тем же славилась и Каппадония. В ассир. летописях упоминается Тилгаримму (Del. W. I. d. Par. 246), у Страбона Τροκμοι, Τροκμαδες, которые были кельты, населявшие Галатию. Все это вблизи Армении. Последние два свидетельства (ассир. и Страб.) оправдывают чтение LXX «Форгама». «Лошадей» – ломовых. «Строевых коней» – для конницы; евр. соб. «всадников», посему слав. «конники». Лошаки – молодые мулы, слав. «мщята». «Товары» – см. ст. 12. Иез.27:15 . Сыны Дедана торговали с тобою; многие острова производили с тобою мену, в уплату тебе доставляли слоновую кость и черное дерево. «Сыны» как и в ст. 16 для разнообразия вместо «дом» ст. 14 и простых имен ст. 12–13. Дедан Библия знает аравийский, семитический ( Быт 25.3 ; Иез.25.13 и здесь ст. 20; ср. Иер 25:23, 49:8 ) и хамитический, ефиопский ( Быт 10.7 ), какой явно разумеется здесь, ибо именно Ефиопия в древности славилась слоновой костью и черным деревом, превосходя качеством последнего и Индию (Herod. III, 114; Str. XVII, 821; Lucan. Phars. X, 17). LXX: «Сынове родийстии», читая очевидно родам вместо дедан (буквы рош и далет очень похожи) и разумея Родос, к чему очень идет дальнейшее «многие острова», т. е. Средиземного моря, которые упоминаются, вероятно, как посредники в торговле Тира с далекой Ефиопией; но слав. «о островов умножиша куплю твою» дает мысль о Родосе, как посреднике в торговле островов Средиземного моря с Тиром. «Черное дерево» – эбеновое; евр. гавбним явно иностранное слово и переводится Сим. Вульг. Кимхи " εβενος, с чем оно и созвучно. Во время Соломона слоновая кость и черное дерево получались евреями из Офира. LXX: «и вводимым (производя от бо «приходить») воздавал еси мзды твоя», т. е. должно быть – Тир дорого платил за доставку этих предмету Родосу и островам, так как они сами получали их издали и служили только контрагентами в поставке их для Тира. |
| Abstract. The Committee for Liturgical Practice, Preaching and the Temple of the All-Russian Council of 1917–18 recommended that the Russian Orthodox Church follow the usage of the so-called «lucan jump» for the selection of Gospel pericopes to be read at the Liturgy. The Committee also expressed the need for the publication of tables that specify the pericopes of the Apostle and Gospel to be read at the Liturgy for any day of any liturgical year. Even though the practice of the «lucan jump» was finally adopted by the Moscow Patriarchate in the 1960’s, and the schedule of pericopes indicated in the calendars and Liturgical Instructions published annually by the Moscow Patriarchate follows the «lucan jump», the necessary tables have never been published. As a result, various problems in the selection of Apostle and Gospel pericopes may arise from year to year. Furthermore, the tables of Emmanuel Glyzonius, developed in the 16 th century and published in Greek liturgical books, do not provide an adequate solution to this problem, since they do not work out all possible combinations of paschal years, while also specifying certain transfers in the schedule of pericopes that are used in Greek practice but were never adopted by the Russian Church. In the present article, the author discusses the problem of selecting pericopes of the Apostle and Gospel for the days of the liturgical year in light of the «lucan jump» and publishes tables, which specify, in perpetuity, the needed pericopes for any day of any liturgical year. The tables reflect instructions printed in the modern Typicon and other liturgical books and rely on the principle that, if possible, all pericopes specified by the Lectionary should be read during the course a given paschal year without omission or repetition. The tables were constructed by computing the dates of Pascha and the schedule of pericopes for every year of the 532-year «Great Indiction» using specialized computer software. This material will be of interest to all tasked with putting together liturgical calendars and as well as to parish rubricists, choir directors and clergy. |
| 10548 Cf. Grant, Gods, 66, 54–55,64–65. 10549 So, e.g., Plutarch Cor. 3.4 (writing of the time of Tarquin, 3.1); or, less dramatically, the appearance of the Dioscurís stars (Plutarch Lysander 12.1; 18.1). 10550 E.g., Schweizer, Jesus, 48–49. 10551 Grayzel, History, 516; Bamberger, Story, 240. 10552 Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, 920; Greenstone, Messiah, 225–30. 10553 Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 182–84. 10554 Somewhat similarly, Saulnier, «Josephe,» suggests that Josephus borrows the tradition from Flavian propaganda. 10555 Tacitus Hist. 5.13.2–7 likely depends on Josephus War 6.288–315. 10556 E.g., Aulus Gellius 4.6.2. 10557 E.g., Lucan C.W. 1.526–557; most obviously, who reported on Charybdis (1.547–548)? 10558 Lucan C.W. 1.572–573. 10559 E.g., many of the portents listed in Livy 21.62.5; 24.10.7–10; 25.7.7–8; 26.23.4–5; 27.4.11–14; 27.11.2–5; 29.37.1–5; 29.14.3; 32.1.10–12; 33.26.7–8; 34.45.6–7; 35.9.2–3; 35.21.3–6; 36.37.2–3; 40.45.1–4; 41.21.12–13; 43.13.3–6; 45.16.5; Lucan C.W. 1.562–563. 10560 E.g., Livy 21.62.4–5; 24.10.10; 42.2.4; Plutarch Themistocles 15.1; Herodian 8.3.8–9. 10561 Appian C.W. 4.1.4 (43 B.C.E.); one of the portents in Livy 24.44.8 (213 B.C.E.); Caesar C.W. 3.105; Philostratus Hrk. 56.2. 10562 E.g., Livy 24.10.11; 24.44.8. If I correctly interpret Livy " s summaries, in some cases some reported seeing figures at another location when those present at that location could not confirm them. 10563 Livy 21.62.5. 10564 E.g., Livy 21.62.1; Herodian 8.3.8 (though he concludes that it is credible, 8.3.9). 10565 Livy 21.62.1; 24.10.6; 27.37.2; 29.14.2. 10566 Simenel, «lean 20,» compares the position of the cherubim on the mercy seat, hence the tomb with the ark of the covenant; this is possible but may be overreaching; after all, Jesus» presence was gone from the site. 10567 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 112; Livy 27.37.11–12. Cf. the temple of Jupiter (Livy 40.51.3). 10568 Plutarch Isis 3–4, Mor. 352C; Appian C. W. 4.6.47; Apuleius Metam. 11.10,23; Lewis, Life, 92; other worshipers of Io (apparently Isis) in Ovid Metam. 1.747. |
| Jeremiah Jerome Comm. Ga1. Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians Pelag. Dialogues against the Pelagians Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society Journal of Jewish Studies John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. Homtlies on St. John Hom. Matt. Homilies on St. Matthew Jos. Asen. Joseph and Aseneth Josephus Ag. Ap. Against Apion Jewish Antiquities The Life Jewish War Joshua Jewish Quarterly Review Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods Journal for the Study of the New Testament Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Journal of Theological Studies Jubilees Judges Julius Africanus Arist. Julius Africanus Letter to Aristides Justin 1 Apo1. First Apology 2 Apo1. Second Apology Dialogue with Trypho Justinian Inst. Justinian Institutes Juvenal Sat. Juvenal Satires Keritot Ketub. Ketubbot 1–2 Kgs 1–2 Kings KiPayim Kippurim (Tosefta) King James Version Keret Epic L.A.B. Liber antiquitatum biblicarum (Pseudo-Philo) Lad. Jac. Ladder of Jacob 1 1 list double enumerations where the OTP translation (listed first) and the standard Greek text differ. L.A.E. Life of Adam and Eve Lam. Rab. Lamentations Rabbah Loeb Classical Library Let. Arts. Letter of Aristeas Leviticus Lev. Rab. Leviticus Rabbah literally Liv. Pro. Lives of the Prophets Livy Annals of the Roman People Longinus Sub1. Longinus On the Sublime Longus Longus Daphnis and Chloe Lucan C.W. Lucan Civil War Lucian Abdic. Disowned Alexander the False Prophet [Asin.] Lucius, or The Ass How to Write History Peregr. The Passing of Peregrinus Philops. The Lover of Lies The Dream, or Lucian " s Career Syr. d. The Goddess of Syria Lucretius Nat. Lucretius De rerum natura Septuagint Lycophron Alex. Lycophron Alexandra Lysias Or. Lysias Oration Mishnah Ma c a. Ma c aerot Ma c a. Š. Ma c aer Šent Maccabees ( 1–4 Maccabees) Macrobius Commentarius Saturnalia Makkot Maksirin Mai Marcus Aurelius Malachi Marcus Aurelius Meditations Mart. Po1. Martyrdom of Polycarp Martial Epigr. Martial Epigrams Matthew |
| 8) One week before Pascha, Entrance of the Lord into Jerusalem Known popularly as Palm Sunday (although it falls on Monday in the Gospel of John), this feast inaugurates Holy Week-separate from Lent (q.v.) in the East-and is intrinsically linked with the raising of Lazarus and the causal events that led to Jesus’ arrest and crucifixion. On this day the faithful hold palms, or branches of willows in the Russian Orthodox tradition, to identify themselves with the people who greeted Jesus as he entered Jerusalem, an entrance that was both a display of political and eschatological significance as the beginning of the last week. 9) Forty days after Pascha, Ascension Celebrated by the whole Church from at least the 4th-5th c., this feast commemorates the end of the Resurrection appearances and the joyous “sitting down of Jesus Christ at the right hand of the Father.” Although the Eastern Church liturgically follows the Lucan chronology ( Lk 24 ; Acts 1), the only one that gives us a forty-day ascension, it is not unaware of the other alternatives that see the Resurrection-Ascension-Pentecost as a single event, since the Johannine readings are prescribed for the forty-day period. A Russian Orthodox monastery sits atop the Mount of Olives and marks the traditional identification of the site of the Ascension. 10) Fifty days after Pascha, Pentecost The fiftieth day after Passover is the Feast of Weeks in Jewish practice, or Pentecost; and in the Lucan chronology (Acts 2) is identified as the day the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles (q.v.). Pentecost marks the birth of the Church and falls near the end of the Paschal celebrations, although the whole of the time between Easter and Pentecost has occasionally been referred to as Pentecost, a fast-free time when the liturgical book (q.v.) the pentecostarion is used. On this day, in addition to the descent of the Holy Spirit, the Orthodox especially remember the confusion of tongues at the Tower of Babel as contrasted with the translation of the Good News into languages comprehensible to all. |
| 10741 A group could retain its numerical label even if not numerically accurate, such as classical Athens " s «so-called Five Thousand» (Plutarch Alc. 26.2, LCL 4:75) or more contemporary Roman «centuries» consisting of about eighty soldiers (Jones, «Army,» 194). 10742 A widespread belief, e.g., Lucan C.W. 1.11; see further above. 10743 See Charlesworth, Disciple. 10744 See introduction, chapter 3, on authorship. 10745 DeConick, Mystics, 77–85 (with Thomas replacing Judas as the fool; some later traditions may have linked them, 74–76; but that may be based on this passage). Gospel of Thomas 59 supports vision mysticism (pp. 86–108), but John emphasizes instead a faith mysticism (109–32), which «replaces the visionary experience with one of faith» (127). 10746 So, e.g., Moses about Israel " s calf in Exod. Rab. 46:1. Epideictic rhetoric could also be thought exaggerated and disbelieved «on account of envy» (Thucydides 2.35.2). 10747 Epid. inscr. 3,4, in Grant, Religions, 56–57. 10748 Ovid Metam. 4.272–273,402–415; see documentation concerning ancient skepticism in the section of our introduction about signs. Xenophon Cyr. 7.2.17 opines that Apollós oracle led Croesus to ruin precisely because he tested it, so demonstrating unbelief. 10749 Aeschylus Cho. 219–20. 10750 Β. B. Bat. 75a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 18(here the interlocutor is a min); Pesiq. Rab. 32:3/4. Some rabbis claimed that Moses and Abraham never doubted God (Sipra Sh. M.D. 99.5.13). 10751 Tg.Ps.-J. on Gen 11:28 . 10752 Haenchen, John, 2:211. 10753 Probably adapted from the seven ages in some Jewish thought, climaxing with the seventh Sabbath age (L.A.E. 51:1–2; Apoc. Mos. 43:2–3; cf. T. Ab. 19:7A; 7:16B; Mek. Sabb. 1.38–43; perhaps also Jub. 50:9, but probably not). 10754 Marsh, John, 648. 10755 Brown, Death, 949, cites Pliny Nat. 28.11.46; Livy Hist. 1.26.6. 10756 Brown, Death, 949, cites Philo Posterity 61; Lucan C.W. 6.547 (the cross appears in 6.545); Plautus Mostellaria 2.1, §360; m. Šabb. 6:10; Seneca De vita beata 19.3. |
| 8335 Cf. Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 336, §11 ID; especially Alcibiades» behavior, which differed from Socrates (Xenophon Apo1. 19; Mem. 1.2.12–18,26; Plutarch Alc. 7.3). Not all disciples prove to be true disciples ( John 8:30–31 ). 8338 Digressions were a frequent literary device (Sallust Cati1. 5.9–13.5; Livy 9.17.1–9.19.17, though he apologizes for it in 9.17.1; Arrian Ind. 6.1; Cornelius Nepos 16 (Pelopidas), 3.1; Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.57; Life 336–367). 8339 This is true also in T. Ah. 7:12; 8:2, 12; 15:10, 13; 19:4A, but there context qualifies rather than redefines the sense of κολουθω. Perhaps more relevant is the use of the philosophical martyr tradition (particularly epitomized in Socrates) as a moralist model in Greco-Roman sources (Tiede, Figure, 56). 8340 Cf. Job " s courageous promise in T. Job 4:2/3 (followed by warning of the cost and, in 5:1, reaffirmation, followed by success); but T. Job 4:2/3 may echo the language of Israel " s failed promise in Exod 19:8. 8343 Lucan C.W. 2.517–518 claimed that noble Romans preferred an honorable death to surrender, but when tested, Lucan himself vainly betrayed others, including his own mother, to try to save himself from Nero. 8344 Finkelstein, «Documents,» 8–18, argues for roots in the Hasmonean period, though thinking (p. 17) that the current practice stems from much closer to 70 C.E. than 175 B.C.E. His arguments, unfortunately, do not seem strong. 8345 See, e.g., Musonius Rufus 3, p. 38.25–26; 4, p. 42.34–35; 16, p. 101.20–21 ; 17, p. 106.20–21. A teacher might also lecture in response to a comment: 14 p. 90.24–25; 14, p. 96.4. 8350 See the discussion ibid., 11–12; Brown also acknowledges that basic historical fact could be retold in an imaginative manner (pp. 620–21). 8355 E.g., Alciphron Courtesans 13 (courtesan to lady friend), frg. 6, par. 18; Farmers! (Iophon to Eraston), 3.10, par. 1, 3; [Virgil] Moretum 1–2; Babrius 124.12–18; Apuleius Metam. 2.26; Heliodorus Aeth. 1.18; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.11.591; Polybius 12.26.1; 3Macc 5:23; b. Ber. 60b; p. Ki1. 9:3, §3; Pesah. 10:6; cf. p. Ber. 9:1, §17 (God gave cocks wisdom when to crow). In particular, Mark " s «second» cockcrow may refer to dawn, as in various other texts (Heliodorus Aeth. 5.3; Brown, Death, 137, cites Aristophanes Ecclesiazusae 30–31, 390–391; Juvenal Sat. 9.107–108; Ammianus Mar_ cellinus Res gestae 22.14.4). |
| 10495 See Boring et a1., Commentary, 162–63; Robbins, Jesus, 192. 10496 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 41. 10497 Many scholars think that tomb robberies were common enough to warrant the fear (Kysar, John, 296; Beasley-Murray, John, 371); cf. Iamblichus Bab. St. 7 (Photius Bibliotheca 94.75a). Many tomb inscriptions threatened curses on tomb violators (Jeffers, World, 45); Cyrus " s tomb reportedly bore the warning not to rob it, for it held little wealth (Plutarch Alex. 69.2). For the sanctity of tombs, see, e.g., Seneca Controv. 4.4 excerpts, introduction; Diodorus Siculus 17.17.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.24.6; 11.10.1; Appian R.H. 8.12.89; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.58. 10498 Cf. also Xenophon Eph. 3.8–9; perhaps Apol1. Κ. Tyre 32 (though cf. 44). 10499 Stauffer, Jesus, 144–45, who suspects the question also stands behind John 20 (where it is not clear), points out that the theory continued to circulate in later times (Justin Dia1. 108; Tertullian Spec. 30). 10500 Lewis, Life, 96. 10501 E.g., Apollonius of Rhodes 4.51–53; Lucan C.W. 6.538–568, 626; Ovid Her. 6.90; see especially the tale of Telephron in Apuleius Metam. 2.30; in other cultures, e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 261. 10502 PGM 1.248–249; 2.49–50; 4.342–343, 1390–1395, 1402–1403, 2211–2217; 57.5–6; 58.5–9; 67.21; 101.1–3; these ghosts were more malevolent (Plutarch Cimon 1.6; 6.5–6). If Jesus» enemies considered him a magician (Matt 12:24), some Jewish leaders may have even anticipated the theft of the body as in Matt 27:64. In less severe cases, tombs generally settled for divine threats against robbers (e.g., IG 3.1417, in Grant, Religions, 9). Both tying rope from a cross (Pliny Nat. 28.11.46) and iron pounded through the hands (Lucan C.W. 6.547) were used in witchcraft (as a superstitious cure in m. Šabb. 6:10; p. Šabb. 6:9, §2). 10503 Grave robbing was not only impious (e.g., Plutarch Mor. 173B) but a capital offense (e.g., SEG 8.13, in Sherk, Empire, 52, §27). 10504 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 40. On Matthew " s guards, see Keener, Matthew, 696–97, 713–15. |
| 10305 E.g., Polybius 6.53; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.96.1; Apuleius Metam. 2.27; Herodian 4.2.2; Philostratus Hrk. 51.13; 1Macc 2:70; Josephus Ant. 9.166; 13.406; Mart. Po1. 17. 10306 Theon Progymn. 9.4–5; cf. Josephus Ant. 4.320; b. Sabb. 153a; Gen. Rab. 100:2; Ecc1. Rab. 7:12, §1; 9:10, §3. 10307 E.g., Homer I1. 23.65–71; Od. 11.71–76; 21.363–364; 22.476; Euripides Herac1. 588–590; Hec. 47–50; Phoen. 1447–1450; Supp1. passim; Diodorus Siculus 15.35.1; Philostratus Hrk. 19.7; it was necessary to enter the netherworld (Homer I1. 23.71; Virgil Aen. 6.365–366; Heliodorus Aeth. 6.15). Many Greek philosophers constituted notable exceptions (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 92.35; Epictetus Diatr. 4.7.31; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.79; Stowers, Letter Writing, 142–43), though even their own disciples often disobeyed their instructions (Socratics Ep. 14; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.78). 10312 Requesting an official for a burial place, because the official controls the land (4 Bar. 7:14), is not an adequate analogy. 10313 E.g., Homer I1. 17.126–127, 255, 272; Sophocles Ant. 21–30, 697; Euripides Phoen. 1627–1630, 1650; Virgil Aen. 9.485; Diodorus Siculus 16.16.4; 18.67.6; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.21.8; 4.40.5–6; 6.9.4; 20.16.2; Appian R.H. 12.8.52; 12.16.107; C.W. 1.8.73; Lucan C.W. 2.166–168; 7.825–835; Lysias Or. 19.7, §152; Thucydides 1.138.6; Seneca Controv. 1.7.2; 8.4.intr.; Suetonius Aug. 13; Valerius Maximus 1.4.2; Apol1. Κ. Tyre 50; Iamblichus V.P. 35.252; Philostratus Hrk. 21.6; Herodian 1.13.6; 8.8.7; Chariton 1.5.25; 1 En. 98:13; 2Macc 13:7; for executions in Rome, see sources in Rapske, Custody, 14. Sometimes the prohibition of honorable burial by free persons did not exclude burial altogether (carried out by slaves; Cornelius Nepos 19 [Phocion],4.4). 10314 Euripides Phoen. 1631–1634; m. Sanh. 6:6; cf. Josephus Ant. 9.104. Jewish aristocrats apparently felt that even relatives should withhold mourning when those destroyed were wicked (Josephus Ant. 4.53); but it was normally considered heartless to forbid mourning (Cicero Pis. 8.18), and to die unmourned was a cruel fate (Ovid Tristia 3.3.45–46). Contrast public mourning for heroes (e.g., Lysias Or. 2.66, §196; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.1.565) and expenses lavished for an official or person of wealth (Cicero Fam. 4.12.3; Statius Silvae 2.1.157–162; Alex. K. Tyre 26; disapproved in Iamblichus V.P. 27.122–123). |
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