| The Feast of Tabernacles (Exod. 23:16; Lev. 23:34–44 ; Num. 29:12–40 ; Deut. 16:13–15 cf. Neh. 8:13–18). This was an eight-day feast beginning the fifteenth day of the seventh month in the religious calendar. Thus the people generally had just enough time to go from their homes to the tabernacle or temple after the Day of Atonement. Its purpose was probably twofold. It was a thanksgiving for the crops already gathered. It was therefore sometimes called the Feast of Ingathering (Exod. 23:16; 34:22). To this feast they would take the tithes of the previous year’s harvest and increase of cattle. It also celebrated God’s care for the Israelites during the forty years of wandering in the desert. Three practices engaged in during the week commemorated the providential care for their fathers. During the week the people dwelt in booths in imitation of their fathers dwelling in tents in the wilderness ( Lev. 23:40–43 ; Neh. 8:14–15). Great candelabra with many lights were erected in the Court of the Women in commemoration of the pillar of fire which guided the people in the wilderness by night. On the last day of the feast a pitcher of water was brought from the pool of Siloam by the multitude and poured out with great ceremony at the foot of the altar in the Court of the Priests in commemoration of the water which the Israelites had received from the Lord out of the rock (Exod. 17:5–6; Num. 20:11 ). John has given an account of one Feast of Tabernacles which Jesus attended (ch. 7). The Scriptures The Jews of New Testament times, including Jesus, regarded the Old Testament as the word of God ( John 10:35 ). At that time they had come to think of their Scripture as composed of three groups of books: the Law, the five books of Moses; the Prophets, including many books of history as well as most of the books of prophecy; and the Writings, including the Psalms and many other books of our Old Testament (Luke 24:44). In their minds the books of the Law came from God through Moses ( John 7:19, 9:28–29 ). Moses was insistent that the commandments and the other things he wrote should be received and kept as coming from God ( Deut. 6:6; 31:9–13, 24–26 ) and from the time of the settlement in the land of Caanan these books of Moses were regarded as God’s law (Josh. 1:8; 8:32–36). There were, however, long periods of neglect of the law. At the time of the captivity the Jews must have been permitted to take with them to Babylon copies of the law and of other treasured books – history and prophecy and the Psalms and books of wisdom. A new interest in the study of the law was stirred during the Babylonian Exile. At that time the Jewish captives, being in a strange land and deprived of their temple and their sacrificial system would gather in groups for a study of the law, the singing of the Psalms and prayer ( Ezek. 8:1 ; Ps. 137 ). |
| 2703 P. Git. 1:1, §1. For discussion of how a sender could nullify an agent " s task, see p. Git. 4:1, §1; the stricter rule required speaking to the agent (see m. Git. 4:1). 2704 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.88.2; Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Josephus Life 65, 72–73, 196–198; 2Macc 1:20. Cf. Zenós dispatch of two fellow scholars in his place in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2705 Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Josephus Ant. 8.220–221. 2706 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 272; Xenophon Anab. 5.7.18–19, 34; Apollodorus Epitome 3.28–29: Polybius 15.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.43.4; Diodorus Siculus 36.15.1–2; Dio Cassius 19.61; Appian R.H. 3.6.1–2; 3.7.2–3; 4.11; 8.8.53; Valerius Maximus 6.6.3–4. This was important, since receivers of news sometimes responded positively or negatively to messengers depending on the news they received (e.g., Homer Il. 17.694–696; 18.15–21; Euripides Medea 1125–1129; Appian R.H. 12.12.84; Arrian Ind. 34.4; 35.1; 2Sam 1:15; 18:20, 22 ; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.35, 37). 2707 Homer Il. 1.334; 7.274–282; 8.517; Aeschines Timarchus 21; Cicero Phi1. 13.21.47; Herodian 6.4.6. Ambassadors who risked their lives merited special honor ( Phil 2:25–30 ; Cicero Phi1. 9.1.2). 2708 M. Demai 4:5; t. Demai 2:20; cf. also Aeschines Timarchus 21. 2709 B. B. Qam. 102ab. 2710 Wenham, Bible, 114–15. In the broader Mediterranean culture, cf., e.g., Demosthenes Or the Embassy 4–5. 2711 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.9.3 (196 B.C.E.). 2712 E.g., the ideal herald Aethalides in Apollonius of Rhodes 1.640–648. 2713 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 292–293. 2714 The sense of a cognate noun and verb need not agree, but given the noun " s absence in the LXX and the verb s prominence there in a manner analogous to early Christian usage, it seems likelv that the noun here reflects a Christian usage coined to match the cognate LXX verb (albeit in less technical use in secular vocabulary). 2715 Joshua by Moses (Josh 14:7; cf. Josh 11:15); Barak by Deborah ( Judg 4:6 ); Saul " s messenger? ( 1Sam 19:20 ); David (allegedly) by Saul ( 1Sam 21:2 ); angels from God (e.g., Judg 13:8 ; Tob 12cf. Gen 24:7 ); cf. messengers in 1 Kgs 18:10; 19:2;2Kgs 1:2,6,9,11,13; etc. A disciple may be " sent» as his master " s representative (the false but believable claim in 2 Kgs 5:22; cf. 2 Kgs 9:1–4). |
| 27 Or. ad Pulch. 27:11, 27:19, 27:21–22, 28:18, 36:25, 40:18, 40:26, 43:11, 43:33–34, 45:5–6, 45:10, 47:24, 47:35, 49:1, 52:4–5, 54:1, 55:15, 56:31, 57:6–7, 57:22, 57:29, 58:2–3, 59:3, 59:24–26, 60:30. 28 Or. ad Pulch. 32:5, 32:27, 32:33, 36:35–36, 37:9, 38:37, 43:7, 43:10, 50:6–7, 54:36, 54:13–14, 56:38–57:1. 30 Or. ad Pulch. 27:10, 28:23, 29:11, 29:12, 32:36, 33:27, 33:30, 33:33, 37:16, 38:23, 39:25, 41:2, 41:10, 42:14, 42:22, 42:24, 46:1, 46:32, 47:5, 49:21, 50:9, 56:11, 56:37, 57:1, 57:9, 58:2, 58:7, 61:11. Также, следуя за Евр. 2, 14 , «плоть и кровь» (Or. ad Pulch. 30:23, 30:32–33, 32:26, 33:9, 35:2–3, 41:8). Само вочеловечение Слова и Его искупительные деяния именуется «домостроительством с плотью» (Or. ad Pulch. 33:20, 33:24, 33:30, 34:16, 40:3, 42:1–2, 43:12, 44:25, 45:10, 47:23–24, 49:18–19). Для свт. Кирилла, который опирается в этом на книгу пророка Иоиля ( Иоил. 2, 28 ), «плоть» означает не что иное, как всего че- ловека: Лоуо? усу ove σρζ, τοντστιν νθpornos κατ ye το εκχε ττο τον πνευμα, τς μον Ιπι πσαν σρκα (Or. ad Pulch. 27:32–33; cp.: Or. ad Pulch. 33:33–34, 38:32, 56:4). Впрочем, можно отметить, как некоторую непоследовательность его богословского языка, что в рассуждении против аполлинариетов «плотью» названа только часть человека, отличная от души (Or. ad Pulch. 58:36, 59:1–2). 31 Or. ad Pulch. 27:12, 29:34, 36:33, 37:16, 38:11, 39:1–2, 40:27, 57:8, 58:33. При этом уточняется, что воспринятое тело имеет разумную душу (Or. ad Pulch. 27– 12, 37:16,58:33). 32 O r. ad Pulch. 27:27, 27:32, 28:18, 29:10, 30:4, 30:33, 33:25, 33:34, 37:11, 38:11, 39:23, 39:34,40:12, 41:7,45:32, 46:3, 47:1,47:36, 53:1, 53:23, 54:37, 56:3, 58:33. Однако подчеркивается, что Христос – не обыкновенный ( απλς, φιλς, κοινς ) человек (Or. ad Pulch. 32:24–25, 33:9, 38:17–18, 38:31, 41:28, 43:1, 43:23–24, 43:31, 49:30, 49:32, 59:16). 33 Or. ad Pulch. 37– 10, 38:32, 39:23, 40:25, 55:5. Также «условия человечества», то της νθρωτττητος μτρος (Or. ad Pulch. 28:27, 29:33, 30:7, 31:35, 39:36–37). |
| 23. Рой Георгий, прот. Гродненский Свято-Покровский собор. Гродно, 2018. 24. Januszkiewicz A. O nietypowej architekturze wityni typowej. Projekty prawosawnych cerkwi w Suwakach, Dyneburgu I Grodnie oraz ich przeksztacenia po 1915 roku//Sztuka Europy Wschodniej – Искусство восточной Европы. Т. 6. Polscy i rosyjscy architekci w XIX i XX wieku – Польские и российские архитекторы в XIX и XX веках. Warszawa–Toru, 2018: 105–117. Рассуждения автора о «евхаристическом центре», «взаимном обогащении» католической и православной Церквей в проекте военного храма лишены какого бы то ни было обоснования. 25. Сахаров С. П. Православные церкви в Латгалии. Rga, 1939. С. 78–80; Православные храмы и приходы на территории Латвии в XIII–XXI веках. Rga, 2017. С. 184–185. Церковь значительно пострадала в 1-ю мировую войну и восстановлена в 1921 г. 26. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д.2. Л. 37. 27. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 2. Л. 41–42. 28. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 3. Л. 51–52. 29. РГВИА. Ф. 806. Оп. 4. Д. 2550. Л. 38. 30. Подробнее о преимуществах базиликальной композиции см. Линькова К. В. Полковые базилики … С. 353. 31. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 5. Л. 21. 32. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 2. Л. 78–80. 33. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 2. Л. 42. 34. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 4. Л. 24. 35. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 4. Л. 258. 36. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 5. Л. 79. 37. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д.2. Л. 41-42. 38. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Л. 376–377. 39. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Л. 378. 40. Цитович Г., свящ. Храмы армии и флота. Пятигорск, 1913; Гурин А. Здание Иверской церкви Вяземского полка в Риге//Прибалтийские русские: история в памятниках культуры (1710–1910). Rga, 2010; http://port-alexandra3.livejournal.com/38528.html . 41. РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 36. Д. 2. Л. 138–144, 212–216. Вероятно, речь идет о военном инженере, подполковнике Сергее Александровиче Рашевском (1866–1904), который служил при Усть-Двинской крепости. Героически погиб в Русско-японскую войну, посмертно удостоен чина полковника. 42. Берташ А. В., прот. Православное храмостроительство... С. 90–116. |
| 8104 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 25A; see considerably more documentation in Keener, Matthew, 542–45, on Matt 23:7–11. 8113 T. Sanh. 7:8; b. Hor. 13b, bar; p. Sanh. 1:2, §13; Ta c an. 4:2, §§8–9. This widespread practice of rank probably also prevailed in first-century Pharisaic circles (e.g., Bowker, Pharisees, 35). 8114 E.g., Plutarch T.T. 1.2.3, Mor. 616E; Xenophon Cyr. 8.4.3–5; Luke 14:7–11; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §§9, 12; Ter. 8:7. 8115 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; among the deities, see Homer II. 1.535; see further Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 117, and sources cited there (including Suetonius Aug. 44). In Jewish sources, see Gen 43:33 ; t. Sanh. 8:1; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §12; b. Hor. 13b, bar. 8116 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; Valerius Maximus 4.5.ext.2; Plutarch Cicero 13.2; 1QS 2.19–23; lQSa 2.11–17; p. Ketub. 12:3, §6; Roš Haš. 2:6, §9; cf. m. " Abot 5:15; on the order in speaking out, cf. 1Cor 14:29–30 ; Josephus War 2.132; 1QS 6.9–10. 8120 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 25; Xenophon Cyr. 8.7.10; Aristotle Po1. 2.7.5, 1272a; Diodorus Siculus 21.18.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.15.1. Roman society also demanded giving way to onés elder (Cato Col1. dist. 10; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.47.1). 8121 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.206; Anf. 3.47 (applied to the sages in Sipra Qed. pq. 7.204.3.1; p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §2; Hor. 3:5, §3; Lev. Rab. 11:8). Prominent local leaders tended to be those who were aged, as both literary texts (Josephus Life 266; Let. Arts. 32:39; Acts 14:23) and inscriptions (CI) 1:294, §378; 1:426, §581; 1:432, §595; 1:433, §597; 2:9, §739; 2:45, §790; 2:46, §792; 2:53, §801; 2:76–77, §828a; 2:77, §828b; 2:79, §829; 2:137, §931; cf. CI] hlxxxvi-lxxxvii) testify, as does the LXX (e.g., Josh 24:1; Judg 8:14, 16; 11:5–11; 21:16 ; Ruth 4:2–11; 2 Chr 34:29; Jer 26:17 ; Jdt 6:16; 7:23–24; 13:12; 1Macc 1:26; 7:33; 11:23; 12:35; 13:36; 14:20,28; 2Macc 13:13; 14:37). 8126 E.g., b. c Abod. Zar. 20b; Sotah 4b-5a. Lincoln, Ephesians, 236, cites Qumran texts extolling gentleness or meekness (1QS 2.24; 3.8; 5.3, 25; 11.1). |
| 5885 Sib. Or. frg. 7. 5886 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167. 5887 Alexander son of Numenius Rhetores graeci 3.4–6 (Grant, Religions, 166); PGM 13.843; Iamblichus Myst. 7.2. The highest good had to be self-sufficient (Aristotle N.E. 1.7,1097B). 5888 E.g., Aristotle Heav. 1.9, 279a.l l-b.3; Pyth. Sent. 25; Marcus Aurelius 7.16; Plutarch Isis 75, Mor. 381B; Maximus of Tyre Or. 38.6; in Jewish sources, Let. Aris. 211; 3Macc 2:9; Josephus Ant. 8.111; Ag. Ap. 2.190; Philo Creation 100; Acts 17:25. On sources of Philós portrait of God " s transcendence, see Dillon, «Transcendence.» 5889 E.g., 2 Bar. 21:10; Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; «who lives forever» (e.g., Tob 13:1, ζν …); for the " liv-ing God,» cf., e.g., Marmorstein, Names, 72; Rev 7:2; also Deut 5:26 ; Josh 3:10; 1Sam 17:26,36; 2 Kgs 19:4, 16; Ps 42:2; 84:2 ; Isa 37:4,17; Jer 10:10; 23:36 ; Dan 6:20, 26 ; Hos 1:10 ; Matt 16:16; 26:63; Acts 14:15; Rom 9:26 ; 2Cor 3:3; 6:16; 1 Thess 1:9; 1Tim 3:15; 4:10 ; Heb 3:12; 9:14; 10:31; 12:22. 5890 Tob 13:1,6; 1Tim 1:17 ; 1 En. 5:1; 25:3,5; Sib. Or. 1.45,50,53,56,73,122,152,167,232; 3.10, 276, 278, 302, 328, 582, 593, 600–601, 604, 617, 628, 631, 698, 717; 8.428; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167; Philo Creation 100; Good Person 20; Ps.-Phoc. 17; T. Ab. 15:15A; 2Bar. 21:10; CI] 1:489, §677; cf. Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351E; PGM 13.843. 5891 Sib. Or. 3.15–16; cf. Plutarch Ε at Delphi 17, Mor. 392A. 5892 PGM 4.640–645 (Betz, Papyri, 50). 5893 To others God commits temporary, limited political authority (19:11) or the authority to become his children (1:12), but only to Jesus does God entrust authority over all humanity (17:2). 5894 For refutation, see Brown, John, 1:215, whom we follow here. 5895 For the admonition not to marvel along with provision of evidence, cf. 3:7–8; probably 6:61–62; for the principle, see Mark 2:9–11 . 5896 E.g., Apocr. Ezek. introduction. 5897 Also, e.g., Hanson, Gospel 52. 5898 Bailey, Poet, 62, sees a chiastic structure, but if one is present, it is highly asymmetrica1. |
| 5842 Though ργον is a common term (over 130 occurrences in the LXX of the Pentateuch alone) it is significant here that it can apply to God " s act of creation ( Gen 2:2–3 LXX; Wis 13:1; Sib. Or. 1.22; cf. the verb in Philostratus Hrk. 25.8). Less likely is the proposal of Manns, «Oeuvres,» that Jesus carries out Jewish tradition " s «works of mercy.» 5843 For a probable implicit traditional link between Gen 2and Ezek 37 , see comment on John 20:22 . 5844 E.g., L.A.E. 51:1–2; 2 En. 33:1–2 J; Barn. 15.8; possibly T. Ab. 19:7A; 7:16B; see further the comment on John 5:25–30 . 5845 It may be associated with the feast in 7and perhaps identified as the (partly realized) eschatological «day» in John 8:56; 9:4; 11:9; 14:20; 16:23,26 ), perhaps partly associated with the cross (12:7; 19:31) and/or resurrection (the first day, 20:1,19). 5846 John 6does not count because «make» is properly attached to «sit down.» 5847 Elsewhere God «made» the human mouth, a synecdoche for God making people in various physical conditions (Exod 4:11). 5848 Such a relationship often invited reciprocity: Israel must love God ( ; Josh 22:5; 23:11; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4 ). 5849 Possibly Ign. Magn. 7.1 (δι» εαυτο) alludes to John here (even in the shorter recension), especially in view of Ignatius " s νευ του πατρς οδν εποησεν. 5850 Meeks, «Agent,» 55. On the activity of the agent, see «agency» under Christology in our introduction, pp. 310–17. 5851 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.32, εξ εμαυτο (John consistently prefers π, as in, e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 396, §135D). In John 10it indicates Jesus» independence from those who want him dead, but explicitly not independence from the Father; cf. 18:34. 5852 Sipre Deut. 5.1.1; 19.1.1; 25.5.1. 5853 Talbert, John, 125–26, takes the language of honor here as cultic (citing Josephus Ant. 1.156; 6.21; 1Tim 1:17; 6:16 ; Rev 4:9, 11; 5:12). On the early Christian understanding of Jesus receiving worship within the identity of the one God, see Bauckham, God Crucified, 34–35. |
| директор компании «Ашманов и партнеры», известный специалист в области искусственного интеллекта и интернет-технологий. См. также: 5 вопросов о номере. Отвечает митрополит Нижегородский и Арзамасский //Фома. - – август 2014. – С.98. – (рубрика « Эпилог »). Мы так наелись, что оголодали. Почему современный человек бежит от реальности . Беседа с известным православным публицистом и проповедником протоиереем Андреем Ткачевым . Беседовала Валерия Посашко. Фото: jOsh, www.pixael.com ; Ivana Vasilij; www.lori.ru// Фома. - – август 2014. – С.24-29. – (рубрика « Тема номера. Болезни души XXI века »). См. также: 5 вопросов о номере. Отвечает митрополит Нижегородский и Арзамасский //Фома. - – август 2014. – С.98. – (рубрика « Эпилог »). ВЕРА (раздел). С.30-43. Александр Ткаченко . Луковка, мелочь для дурачка и наивный дембель, или Когда Христос посетит меня в следующий раз . Фото: kasrak, www.flickr.com; Maria G.//Фома. - – август 2014. – С.30-35. – (раздел « Вера »). Аудиоверсию эссе Александра Ткаченко можно услышать в эфире радио «Вера» или на сайте radiovera.ru [Ред.] Толковый словарь: Патриарх: первый среди отцов /Автор – Юрий Пущаев. Ил.: Икона «Торжество Православия. Византия, XV в.//Фома. - – август 2014. – С.36. - (раздел «Вера», рубрика «Толковый словарь»). Реклама: С.37. Новомученики : Игумен Дамаскин ( Орловский ), секретарь Синодальной комиссии по канонизации святых, руководитель фонда «Память мучеников и исповедников Русской Православной Церкви», клирик храма Покрова Божией Матери на Лыщиковой горе (Москва), www.fond.ru . Платава: расстрелянное село. Ко дню памяти преподобномученика Космы (Вязникова), убитого ни за что . Фото Владимира Ештокина и документальные фото, предоставленные автором//Фома. - – август 2014. – С.38-39. – (Раздел « Вера », рубрика « Новомученики »). История воронежского села Платава, жители которого в конце 1929 - начале 1930 гг. восстали против создания колхоза и не захотели остаться без богослужений. В результате село взяли штурмом, была открыта стрельба по людям, появились убитые и раненые. |
| Interestingly, while some moralists of Jesus» day opined that it was good to allow some of one day " s provision to remain over for another day, 6015 manna was not supposed to be left over for the next day (Exod 16:19–20), because God would continue his miraculous supply as long as Israel remained in the wilderness. As in the Synoptics, Jesus offers this sign on a special occasion of need rather than desiring disciples to depend on it continually (6:26)– just as the manna stopped once natural means of providing food became available (Exod 16:35; Josh 5:12). 6016 Thus Jesus instructs the disciples to gather the food that remains, to be used later (6:12). Although miserliness was regularly condemned, 6017 ancient moralists regularly exhorted against waste and squandering, preferring frugality; this was both a Jewish view 6018 and a broader Mediterranean one. 6019 The ideal was frugality coupled with generosity toward others. 6020 Jewish teachers even instructed passersby to pick up food lying beside the roadside, which could be given to Gentiles for whom it would not prove unclean. 6021 One could argue that the bread symbolizes God " s people, on the basis of the number twelve, the term «lost» (6:12; cf. 6:27, 39 in the ensuing discourse), or other terms here like «gathering.» 6022 But the following discourse plainly applies the symbol of bread to Christ alone (6:32–35, 41, 48, 50–51, 58). That the disciples filled twelve baskets (6:13) simply underlines afresh the abundance of the miracle; there is no need to allegorize the baskets. 6023 Twelve is the maximum number that these disciples could reasonably carry. Guests who slipped out with leftover food in their baskets could be thought to be greedy, stealing the host " s food, or at best ill-mannered; remains belonged to the host. 6024 4. The Prophet-King (6:14–15) The narrative proper includes a christological climax (6:14–15), but the inadequacy of the confession will pave the way for the contrast between the Spirit and mere flesh in 6:63. Jesus» identity did include being a prophet (1:21, 25; 4:19,44; 7:40; 9:17) and a king (1:49; 12:13–15; 18:33,37), but such titles necessarily proved inadequate for him. Those who defined his prophetic and royal identity by the eschatological beliefs of their contemporaries sought a political or military leader (see introduction on Christology)–a fleshly role rather than one from the Spirit (6:63). In John " s day the emperor cult demanded earthly worship (see introduction); Jesus was a higher sort of king (cf. Rev 5:13). But in contrast to the response to Jesus in Judea, the Galilean response, which affirms him to be a prophet and a king, is at least partly correct (cf. Mark 8:29–33 ). 6025 In Galilee he is not altogether a «prophet without honor» (4:44). |
| 9284 Kuyper, «Grace,» 3–13; Dahl, «History,» 132; Epp, «Wisdom,» 138; Westcott, John, 13; Stuart, «Examination,» 316; Dodd, Studies, 141–42; Dodd, Bible, 75; Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Boismard, Prologue, 54–56; Barrett, John, 167; Hoskyns, Gospel, 150; Lee, Thought, 40; Schnackenburg, John, 1:272; Gaston, Stone, 209; Ladd, Theology, 230. 9287 Metzger, Textual Commentary, 247. Contrast Bammel, «Paraklet,» 205–6, who regards ν as a clarification or explanation of εις. 9289 Cf. Bultmann, John, 574–75, and notes by some of the older commentators, such as Westcott, John, 230; Tholuck, John, 377–78. Contrast Harrison, «Ministry,» 194. 9290 That is, not «on his own authority» (T, Ab. 15:8; 19:4A; Philostratus Hrk. 8.2). This is also characteristic of the role of prophets ( 2Pet 1:21 ; cf. Num. Rab. 18:12); disciples should also speak what they hear (Socrates Ep. 20). See comment on 8:28. 9291 For a similar apologetic (albeit not experiential) chain, cf. Josh 11:15, where God commanded Moses, who commanded Joshua; or Rev 1:1. 9294 If the false prophets of Rev 2–3 advocate compromise with the imperial cult or with non-Christian Judaism and took John the Baptist as one of their models (as suggested above in comment on John 1:6–8 ), ecstatic experience could have been substituted for the objectivity of the Jesus tradition. The Paraclete passages lack any indications of ecstatic activity (Boring, Sayings, 85–86, citing as an analogy of nonecstatic inspiration Herm. Mand. 11.2–9). 9296 Potterie, «Paraklet,» 95, denies that this is simply «une proclamation kérygmatique» and associates it rather with a nuance found in apocalyptic literature, «révéler, dévoiler,» often in Danie1. On p. 96 he observes that this is not always a new revelation but, as in Daniel and elsewhere, it can mean «to give the interpretation of earlier revelation that is obscure and mysterious.» Young, «Isaiah,» 224, roots the term in Isaiah LXX (where it appears fifty-seven times). 9297 Godet, Commentary, 184, argues for their equivalence through the asyndeton between 16and 16:14. |
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