| Craig S. Keener The Witness of the First Disciples. 1:19–51 ALTHOUGH THE GOSPEL " S NARRATIVE opens with 1:19, the implied reader knows Jesus» origin from 1:1–18 (and most of John " s earliest audience probably were already Christians; see introduction). That the narrative can open abruptly after the prologue (especially the preparation of 1:6–8,15) is to be expected, and a Diaspora audience conditioned by Mediterranean dramatic culture would feel at home here. Greek dramas often started by informing the viewer of what had happened prior to the opening of the play. The Odyssey opens abruptly and afterwards explains more of Odysseus " s travels through flashbacks, but its hearers could also presuppose what they knew of Odysseus from stories about him in the Iliad (if they knew that work first; probably they heard both repeatedly). The prologue introduces John the Baptist as a model witness for Jesus, leading immediately into a section (1:19–51) about the nature of witness and disciple-making for Jesus, which John the Baptist (1:19–28) opens. 3790 Apart from the prologue, the evangelist starts his Gospel essentially where Mark did and early Christian evangelists often did (Acts 1:22; 10:37; 13:24). 3791 This witness also fits the Gospel " s specifically Jewish framework by opening with a witness to Israel (1:31,49) embraced by true Israelites (1:47). 3792 The writer of the Fourth Gospel wishes his audience not only to continue in the faith themselves (20:31), but to join him in openly confessing Christ (12:42–43), proclaiming him in a hostile world (15:26–27). The Witness of the Forerunner to Israel (1:19–28) In 1:19–34, as in 3:27–36, John the Baptist models the activity of a «witness» (1:8) by deferring all honor to Jesus. This model may counter the tendency of some to exalt John unduly at Jesus» expense (see comment on 1:6–8); it may also respond to some leaders in the Johannine circle who have proved too ambitious for personal honor (3 John 9). This context explains who John is not (1:20–21), his function as a witness to another (1:22–27), and his testimony for the other (1:29–34). |
| Craig S. Keener Introductory issues. 13:1–17:26 JUST AS MARK 13 INTERPRETS the imminent passion of Mark 14–15 for the disciples in terms of their future tribulation, so Jesus» final discourse in John " s Gospel interprets the meaning of Jesus» passion for his disciples: they will share both his sufferings and his resurrection life. 7994 Unity of the Discourse Source critics have detected a variety of clues, especially alleged changes of focus and editorial seams, that indicate divergent sources in the discourse. 7995 Most commonly, scholars divide ch. 14 from chs. 15 and 16, suggesting that they are either alternative versions (perhaps both hallowed by time, or one perhaps older than the other), 7996 or a reworked version in addition to an original version (the original is more often thought to be John 14 ). 7997 Talbert suggests that John varies these discourses, since ancient critics recognized that repeating words exactly wearies the hearer. 7998 Some scholars have challenged the thesis of duplicate discourses, 7999 others have argued for distinct discourses offered by Jesus himself on different nights of the Passover week, 8000 and a minority of scholars have argued for the discoursés unity. 8001 Some relatively recent source-critical work takes a chronological approach to the development of the discourse: thus Painter thinks that John composed three versions of the Farewell Discourse, the first before conflict with the synagogue (13:31–14:31), the second during rejection by the synagogue (15:l-16:4a) and the third (16:4b-33) in opposition to the synagogue. 8002 Berg largely concurs but adapts this position slightly, 8003 thinking that 15:1–17 is probably «an independent unit» from the time of that conflict. 8004 Such a detailed reconstruction requires so much dependence on hypothetical reconstructions, and assumes John " s lack of creative revision of his sources to such a degree, that it is not likely to commend much assent today despite its brilliance. More speculatively, some, especially earlier source critics, also have suggested displacements in parts of the discourse, 8005 or alterations made in the the use of the discourse in various recensions of the Fourth Gospe1. 8006 Most such source-critical theories remain speculative, although at least one editorial seam (14:31) appears convincing enough to allow the possibility (albeit not the certainty) that John 14 and John 15–16 represent two versions, or two sections, of an original discourse now bound together. This seam in 14may be disputed (see our comment), but it is the strongest argument for the composite nature of the current discourse. 8007 Apparent inconsistencies such as 13and 16are also possible indicators, 8008 though they may simply reflect John " s deliberately ambiguous use of language. |
| Craig S. Keener Dying to live. 11:1–12:11 TO RAISE LAZARUS FROM THE DEAD, Jesus would have to go to Judea, the place of hostility, risking (and ultimately encountering) death (11:7–8, 14–16). 7534 Lazarus was the «friend» of Jesus and the disciples (11: ll), 7535 and therefore it was appropriate to die for him (15:13–15). Yet once Lazarus receives life, he must likewise share Jesus» death (12:10–11). Raising Lazarus (11:1–44) This climactic sign of Jesus» ministry joins the opening sign in framing Jesus» public ministry. The opening sign (2:1–11) recounts Jesus» benevolence at a wedding; the last involves it at a funera1. The joy of weddings and mourning of funerals could function as opposites in ancient literature. 7536 While few of Jesus» signs in John " s Gospel specifically parallel Moses» signs, his first and last signs may be exceptions. 7537 In both cases, the signs may suggest contrasts: whereas Moses» first sign was transforming water to blood, Jesus benevolently transforms it into wine. Likewise, whereas the final plague against Egypt was the death of the firstborn sons, the climax of Jesus» signs is raising a dead brother-provider. 1. John " s Account Many are skeptical of pre-Johannine tradition in the narrative about Lazarus " s raising, because the story seems too central to Jesus» ministry to have been unknown to the Synoptic writers and, if known, not mentioned by them. Some have even proposed that John composed the story by weaving together various elements of Lukan tradition. 7538 To be sure, the story has much symbolic significance for the author of the Fourth Gospel; 7539 proposed external corroborations for the story are weak. 7540 Other scholars have responded that Mark tends to omit much of Jesus» Judean ministry anyway, partly due to a theological emphasis on Galilee. 7541 Further, for the Synoptics Jesus» raisings of the dead were simply dramatic healings. Also, whereas John may emphasize Lazarus " s restoration to prefigure Jesus» resurrection, Mark may not wish to risk diminishing the appearance of the uniqueness of Jesus» resurrection as an eschatological event. |
| Craig S. Keener Giver of the New Manna. 6:1–71 THE SYNOPTICS ALSO REPORT the feeding miracle that appears in John 6:10–13 , but John reports it in the special context of wilderness and Passover. 5964 More than with some of the previous narratives, the discourse that follows the feeding of the five thousand interprets and applies it, bringing out the christological meaning of the event. Thus the feeding miracle in John points to a deeper christological interpretation: Jesus is not merely a new Moses providing a sample of new manna, but he is heaven " s supply for the greatest need of humanity. Jesus Feeds a Multitude (6:1–15) Here, as elsewhere in the Fourth Gospel, source critical questions are difficult and primarily speculative (though arguments for parallel discourses in this chapter bear a little more weight than elsewhere in the Gospel; but this may represent a deliberate literary pattern); thus we treat the chapter as a unity. 5965 On the question of transposition, see our introduction to John 5 . Some scholars doubt the possibility of nature miracles like the feeding of the five thousand. Skepticism sometimes arises purely from antisupernaturalistic presuppositions (see «signs» in our introduction, ch. 6). In this case, however, it stems also from the relatively greater public impact of a smaller miracle ( Mark 1:28 ); the magnitude of this sign seems incongruent with its response. 5966 The former objection is an assumption rather than an argument, not debatable pro or con on purely historical grounds. The latter is more reasonable, but exhibits a significant weakness: in the Synoptics, the multitudes do not appear to know the origin of the food, hence that a miracle has taken place; nature miracles normally did evoke christological speculation (e.g., Mark 4:41 ). In John, where the recipients do know the origin of the food, in contrast, they want to make Jesus king ( John 6:15 ). Some commentators suggest that the feeding of the five thousand stems from genuine, albeit embellished, tradition. 5967 That Matthew and Luke agree in some details against Mark may imply more than one early tradition, multiply attesting the account of the feeding. 5968 Some have argued that John " s version of the feeding is based on a tradition that is independent from the Synoptics, 5969 which includes genuine historical material missing from the Synoptics, 5970 and may even be more accurate than the Synoptics. 5971 1. The Setting (6:1–4) |
| Craig S. Keener Revelation of Jesus. 16:5–33 ALTHOUGH A GRADUAL SHIFT takes place from the emphasis on persecution in 16:1–4, there is no decisive break here with the preceding context. When Jesus was with the disciples, they did not need warning about future sufferings (16:5), presumably because he would protect them (18:8–9). But now that he was going and their hearts were burdened with sorrow (16:6), he had to assure them that the Paraclete would continue to reveal him to them and through them (16:7–15). He had warned them of coming sufferings (15:18–16:4), but they could not bear further revelation of such matters now (16:12); when the Paraclete would come, however, he would prepare them for the rest, telling them more things to come (16:13), presumably including events such as those narrated in the book of Revelation (if, as we have argued, John and Revelation reflect the same community). The coming of the Paraclete would enable the disciples to go on the offensive (15:26–27) because through him Jesus would remain among them (16:13–15). In him they would have victory over the world, despite their tribulation (16:33). His Departure for Their Good (16:5–7) In the context of the disciples» discouragement due to the world " s hostility (16:1–6), the Paraclete would come to prosecute the world (16:8–11). The disciples could be strong in the face of persecution, despite Jesus» absence, because the Paraclete would be with them (v. 7); this suggests that the Paracletés prosecution of the world is on their behalf and through their testimony. 9191 They grieved that Jesus was «going» (16:5–6), but resurrection joy would soon swallow their grief concerning the cross (16:22; cf. 1Pet 1:6 ). 9192 Jesus» return would provide them the Spirit, who would continue Jesus» presence with them. Because of their grief (16:6), Jesus assures them emphatically («I tell you the truth») 9193 that they will be better off with him departing to send them the other advocate he has mentioned (14:16). 9194 The Paraclete is better for them than Jesus in the flesh would have been (16:7) because he re-presents Jesus dynamically to the world in each hostile situation. Jesus had also challenged the world concerning sin, righteousness, and judgment, and the prophetic Spirit, proclaiming the same Jesus through his community, would continue the challenge. 9195 This continuity between the two should not be understood as identity, as in the docetic reading of John, 9196 nor even to imply that the Spirit cannot bring new teachings; 9197 the Spirit will say some new things (16:12–13) but in continuity with Jesus» revelation. 9198 But it does mean that Jesus himself is present in the Spirit, though only those in his community recognize his presence. 9199 The World " s Prosecutor (16:8–11) |
| Craig S. Keener Jerusalem and its King. 12:12–50 ONCE JESUS ARRIVES IN JERUSALEM (12:12–19), people respond to him in various ways. The Gentiles seek him (12:20–22), provoking his remark that the time for his death had come (12:23–33). His own people, however, whose king he is (12:13–15), remained blind (12:37–43; cf. 9:39–41), unable to see Jesus» glory which Isaiah saw, which is the light (Jesus» discussion of which frames the comment on their blindness–12:34–36,44–50). Yet Jesus remained God " s agent and standard for judgment (12:44–50). The Arrival of Zion " s King (12:12–19) Earlier passages had introduced Jesus as rightful king of Israel (1:49), but also warned that his «own» as a whole did not receive him (1:11; or that they misunderstood his kingship–6:15; cf. 18:36–37). Both themes are present here, but John is careful to emphasize that his people as a whole would have been more open to him (12:17–18), but that it was the leaders who were responsible for their people being led wrongly (12:19). 1. Authenticity of the Core Tradition That someone would go out to meet with respect an important teacher (11:20), signs worker (12:18) or king (12:13) is not unlikely (see comment on 11:20); that crowds already present loudly welcomed many incoming pilgrims is virtually certain. Yet because Jesus» claim to kingship is often doubted, some are doubtful that the triumphal entry happened. If people hailed Jesus as king, why did the Romans not intervene suddenly? But the Gospels present the grandness of the event in the light of their theology about Jesus» identity; most of the accounts do not require us to suppose an originally large-scale notice. 7803 In the bustle of a city milling with pilgrims, more of whom were arriving throughout the day, the Romans need not have noticed this relatively obscure event. 7804 The Roman garrison was concentrated on the Temple Mount, and Jesus was hardly the only Passover pilgrim welcomed by the crowds already present. More importantly, leaders of the municipal aristocracy, normally charged with keeping peace for the Romans, were also concentrated on the Temple Mount at this season (being mainly priests) and had they been notified of the entry in time to stop it–which assumes a much longer period of acclamation than is likely–they preferred not to act in front of the crowd anyway ( Mark 11:32; 14:2 ). In John the leaders, who are now Pharisees, continue to be concerned about the opinions of the crowd (12:19). |
| protopresbyter Thomas Hopko Скачать epub pdf Volume III – Church History Introduction Volume 3 of The Orthodox Faith, entitled Church History, is a succinct overview of Christian history century by century. It presents the most important historical events, leading personalities, and significant doctrinal, liturgical, spiritual, and ecclesiastical developments in the Eastern Orthodox Church, giving the traditional Orthodox perspectives on the historical data. It also includes major events, personalities, and developments in the Christian West, both Roman Catholic and Reformed. The century by century format allows the reader to see what was happening at the same time in different places. The recent centuries that deal with Orthodoxy in North America, and especially with the pre-history and history of the Orthodox Church in America (OCA), are treated at greater length because of their nearness to us in time and place, their complexity and importance, and the variety of interpretations that exist today about what occurred. As an OCA publication, this volume provides the OCA’s understanding and interpretation of the historical events. First Century Christ and the Apostles The first century of the Christian era begins with the birth of Jesus Christ from the Virgin Mary in Bethlehem. Christ lived, preached, did mighty acts, was crucified, rose again, and ascended into Heaven in the first several decades of the first century. After His Ascension into Heaven, God sent the Holy Spirit upon Christ’s disciples on the Feast of Pentecost (Acts 2), empowering them to take Christ’s Gospel to the ends of the known world. During His life on earth, Jesus selected disciples-first the Twelve ( Mt 10.2–4 ) and then the Seventy ( Lk 10.1 ). He trained them to be the leaders of His Church. After Pentecost, the Apostles preached the Gospel of Christ far and wide. We do not know exactly where all the Apostles traveled, but we know a good deal about the missionary journeys of Saint Paul, which are recorded in the Book of Acts (chs. 13–28). In his extensive travels Saint Paul founded many churches in Asia Minor and Greece. All the Twelve Apostles (including Saint Matthias, who took Judas’s place-Acts 1.15–26) except Saint John, as well as many of the Seventy, died as martyrs for their faith in Christ. |
| The Gospel of John, Jesus " Deity in Early Christian Tradition - Craig S. Keener Азбука веры Православная библиотека Orthodox books Contemporary Non-Orthodox Biblical Studies The Gospel of John Пожертвовать Вход Craig S. Keener The Gospel of John Источник 6. Revelatory Motifs: Knowledge, Vision, Signs 1:1-18. The prologue 7. Christology and Other Theology OF ALL THE DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS of Johannine theology in the discourses, the most frequently noted is his Christology. 2413 As scholars regularly observe, Christology is central to this Gospe1. 2414 Prologues normally set the stage for major themes in the works that followed them, and John s prologue does not disappoint, framed by affirmations of Jesus» deity and relationship with the Father (1:1, 18). Most of the prologue addresses Jesus» identity (1:1–5,9,14,16–18) and the responses of various groups (the world, Israel, and the disciples, 1:10–13); it also offers a model for bold witness about Jesus» identity (1:6–8,15). The rest of the Gospel illustrates these responses to Jesus, especially to his signs (e.g., 1:49; 2:11, 23; 3:2; 4:19; 5:16–18; 6:30, 67–69; 7:30; 8:59; 9:16; 10:19–21; 11:45–46; 20:31), which function as the primary summons to recognize his identity (20:30–31; cf. 14:10–11). 2415 That Jesus was rejected by the world just as they were would be relevant for marginalized Johannine Christians, 2416 and the story of divine Wisdom " s rejection provided a fitting backdrop for the experience of Jesus known to the community. 2417 The Gospel " s radical Christology enabled the Johannine Christians «to undertake their radical commitment to God in the face of dire risk.» 2418 As in other biographies, including the other gospels, the Fourth Gospel focuses on one central figure; over half the verbs in John have Jesus as their subject or are uttered by him. 2419 Unlike most biographies, which express the freedom to critique their heroes» shortcomings (e.g., Arrian Alex. 4.7.4; 4.8.1–4.9.6) and mix some measure of praise and blame (e.g., Cornelius Nepos 11 [Iphicrates], 3.2), John will nowhere critique or imply any shortcomings in Jesus. A discussion of the genre and discourses of the Fourth Gospel, undertaken at the beginning of this introduction, invites particular exploration of John " s Christology vis-à-vis that of the earliest Jesus tradition. Granted that John has represented Jesus in Johannine idiom and for his distinctive purposes, does he accurately reflect and interpret some prior tradition here, or does he simply create new material? |
| The Gospel of John, Reciprocal Glory of Father and Son (17:1-5) - Craig S. Keener Азбука веры Православная библиотека Orthodox books Contemporary Non-Orthodox Biblical Studies The Gospel of John Пожертвовать Вход Craig S. Keener The Gospel of John Источник Revelation of Jesus. 16:5-33 18:1-20:31. The passion and resurrection Jesus» prayer for disciples. 17:1–26 HERE JESUS SHIFTS FROM ADDRESSING the disciples to addressing the Father (17:1–26); after he returns to bestow the Spirit in 20:19–23, the disciples will pray directly to the Father for themselves (16:23–26) because he will have given them a new relationship with the Father (16:27) based on his own (16:28). Nevertheless, this prayer undoubtedly provides a model for their own; disciples concerned with their Lord " s agendas ought to place a high priority on unity with other disciples. Just as such unity would have helped them through the crisis imminent during Jesus» prayer (cf. 16:31–32), it would give believers victory in their continuing conflict with the world (16:33; cf. 13:35; 15:18–27). For comments on ancient prayer and believers praying as Jesus» representatives, see 14:13–14; cf. also comment on Jesus» prayer in 11:41–42. Introductory Issues Käsemann emphasizes the testamentary character of ch. 17, 9382 but as we have remarked earlier, the testament as a whole begins in ch. 13. Where the testamentary genre is most relevant to ch. 17 is the frequency of blessings and wish-prayers in testaments (e.g., Gen 49 ; Deut 32–33 ). 9383 That John closes the previous section of the last discourse before opening this prayer (τατα λλησεν, 17:1) suggests the prayer " s special significance for John " s audience. 9384 Käsemann rightly notes that much of the Gospel " s theology climaxes in this concluding section of Jesus» final discourse in the Gospel, 9385 though one should note that many other passages also provide prisms that refract larger cross sections of Johannine theology. As Minear points out, this prayer represents «the decisive turning point between ministry and passion,» viewing the hour of Jesus» glorification «both proleptically and retrospectively.» 9386 |
| 1 Ср. для примера: Hoskyns Ε . С. The Fourth Gospel, London, 1958; Bultmann R.K.Das Evangelium des Johannes. Gottingen, 1941; Barrett С JSf.The Gospel according to St. John. An introduction with commentary and notes on the greek text. London 1955. 2 В первом издании 1941 г., на вкладном листе. 3 Ср., например, detached notes в посмертном комментарии Hoskyns " a. 4 Lagrange M.-J. Evangile selon Saint Jean. Paris 1925. 5 Bouyer L. Le quatrieme Evangile. Introduction a l " evangile de Jean, traduction et commentaire. Toumau, 1955. 6 Lock W. The Gospel according to St. John A New Commentary on Holy Scripture including the Apocrypha, ed. by Charles Core. London. 1928, Part III. The New Testament. 7 Temple W. Readings in St. John " " s Gospels (First and Second series). London 1945. 8 Dodd Ch. H. The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel. Cambridge 1953. 9 Ср.: Bultmann, op. cit., p. 8. 10 Bernard J.Я. Асоттептагу on St. John/The International Critical Commentary, vol. II. Edinburg, 1928. 11 Ср.: Temple, op. cit., p. XXXIII. 12 Ср. особенно: Dodd, op. cit., p. 289. 13 Cp.: Dodd, op. cit., p. 431. 14 Cp. Hoskyns, op. cit., p. 550 и мои статьи, особенно John XXI in: New Testament Studies (vol. 3, n. 2, 1957). 15 В рукописи только знак сноски. 16 Burney С. F. The Aramaic Origine of the Fourth Gospel, 1922. 17 Последнее наблюдение дает перевес той форме стиха 27, которую он имеет в textus receptus и многих второстепенных рукописях. Без слов «который встал впереди Меня», отсутствующих в древнейших кодексах, он не оправдывал бы того ключевого положения, которое ему усваивается в построении Ин. I. 18 Ср. Кипп К. G. Achtzehngebet und Vaterunser und der Reim/Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, herausgegeben von J. Jeremias und O. Michel, B. 1, Tubingen, 1950. 19 Cp. Lund. Chiasmus in the New Testament (Lund N. S. Chiasmus in the New Testament. A Study in Formgeschichte. Chapel Hill, 1942) и мою статью «К вопросу о построении Молитвы Господней» в «Православной Мысли» (Епископ Кассиан. К вопросу о построении Молитвы Господней |
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