| Briant, Paul. 2006. From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire. New York: Eisenbrauns. Brock, Roger. 1994. “The Labour of Women in Classical Athens.” The Classical Quarterly (New Series) 44 (2): 336–346. Bronkhorst, Johannes. 2007. Greater Magadha: Studies in the Culture of Early India. Leiden: Brill. Brook, Timothy. 1998. The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and Culture in Ming China.Berkeley: University of California Press. Brunt, P. A. 1974. Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic. New York: Norton. Bryant, Joseph M. 1996. Moral Codes and Social Structure in Ancient Greece: A Sociology of Greek Ethics from Homer to the Epicureans and Stoics. Albany: SUNY. Bücher, Karl. 1907. Industrial Evolution. (S. Morley Wickett, trans.) New York: Holt. Buckland, William Warwick. 1908. The Roman Law of Slavery. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Buckler, W. H. 1896. The Origin and History of Contract in Roman Law down to the End of the Republican Period. London: C. J. Clay & Sons. Bulliet, Richard W. 1979. Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Burton, Sir Richard F. 1934. The Book of a Thousand Nights and a Night (6 volumes). New York: Heritage Press. Butrica, James L. 2006. “Some Myths and Anomalies in the Study of Roman Sexuality.” In Same-Sex Desire and Love in Greco-Roman Antiquity and in the Classical Tradition of the West (Beert C. Verstraete and Vernon Provencal, editors), pp. 209–270. Berkeley: University of California Press. Byrne, Frances. 1971. “Tribes and Tribalism in early Ireland.” Eriu 22:128–166. 1973. Irish Kings and High Kings. London: Batsford. Caffentzis, Constantine George. 1989. Clipped Coins, Abused Words, and Civil Government: John Locke " s Phi losophy of Money. New York: Autonomedia. Caims, Francis. 1991. “The " Laws of Eretria " (“IG” XII. 9 1273 and 1274): Epigraphic, Legal, Historical, and Political Aspects.” Phoenix 45 (4): 296–313. Calhoun, George W. 1934. “Classes and Masters in Homer.” Classical Philology 29: 192–206,301-316. |
| 9298 Bultmann, John, 575; Tasker, John, 181; Isaacs, «Spirit,» 398; Holwerda, Spirit, 62. For a critique of Bultmann " s total exclusion of eschatology from the Fourth Gospel, see, e.g., Brown, «Paraclete,» 130–31. 9299 Hunter, John, 155. Westcott, John, 231, sees it as the church. «Coming One» also functioned as a title for the Messiah in the Johannine community (e.g., 6:14, 11:27; cf. 2 John 2 ). Berg. «Pneumatology,» 217–18, shows the weaknesses of the view that the text here means Jesus as the one to come, or the new reality or age initiated in Jesus, but nonetheless concludes (p. 236) that «the things of Jesus,» rather than apocalyptic secrets of the end, are in view. 9302 Lutkemeyer, «Paraclete,» 228; cf. Swete, Discourse, 123; the Roman Catholic position of Gabriel Moran in Toon, Development, 99–103. 9303 Forestell, «Paraclete,» 173–74. Cody, «Paraclete,» 174, suggests that the Spirit indicates which things of the present will be of ultimate significance in the future. 9304 Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 137–41; Boring, Sayings, 102; Bürge, Community, 215. The phrase is normally futuristic (Bauer, Gingrich, and Danker, Lexicon, 311 ; Black, Approach, 132, finds here an Aramaism), but cf. 14:2–3. Cf. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 216–18, 235–36, who suggests tha; John is correcting this eschatological interpretation by placing it in a different sort of context; and Hamilton, Spirit, 38, who speaks of the future benefits revealed in the present in the exalted Lord Jesus. In Wis 8:8, Wisdom knows both ancient things and τα μλλοντα (cf. the same phrase for things in the near future signified by an omen, in Philostratus Hrk. 33.5). 9305 4Q268 frg. 1, lines 3, 8. Many ancient writings spoke of divine knowledge of what was, is. and is coming, the last naturally being the most difficult (Homer II. 1.70; Plutarch Ε at Delphi 6. Mor. 387B; Egyptian Book of the Dead spell 172.S-3; Jub. 1:4; Sib. Or. 1.3–4; 11.319–320; Barn. 1.7: see Keener, Revelation, 98, on Rev 1:19). 9307 Bengel, Gnomen, 2:454; Lenski, John, 1092. Cf. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 139; Boring, Sayings, 102. Later writers could also take prophecies unfulfilled in earlier works» accounts as points of departure for their own (compare, e.g., Troy " s Aeneas in Virgil Aeneid with Homer I1. 20.303–308). |
| 2703 P. Git. 1:1, §1. For discussion of how a sender could nullify an agent " s task, see p. Git. 4:1, §1; the stricter rule required speaking to the agent (see m. Git. 4:1). 2704 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.88.2; Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Josephus Life 65, 72–73, 196–198; 2Macc 1:20. Cf. Zenós dispatch of two fellow scholars in his place in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2705 Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Josephus Ant. 8.220–221. 2706 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 272; Xenophon Anab. 5.7.18–19, 34; Apollodorus Epitome 3.28–29: Polybius 15.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.43.4; Diodorus Siculus 36.15.1–2; Dio Cassius 19.61; Appian R.H. 3.6.1–2; 3.7.2–3; 4.11; 8.8.53; Valerius Maximus 6.6.3–4. This was important, since receivers of news sometimes responded positively or negatively to messengers depending on the news they received (e.g., Homer Il. 17.694–696; 18.15–21; Euripides Medea 1125–1129; Appian R.H. 12.12.84; Arrian Ind. 34.4; 35.1; 2Sam 1:15; 18:20, 22 ; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.35, 37). 2707 Homer Il. 1.334; 7.274–282; 8.517; Aeschines Timarchus 21; Cicero Phi1. 13.21.47; Herodian 6.4.6. Ambassadors who risked their lives merited special honor ( Phil 2:25–30 ; Cicero Phi1. 9.1.2). 2708 M. Demai 4:5; t. Demai 2:20; cf. also Aeschines Timarchus 21. 2709 B. B. Qam. 102ab. 2710 Wenham, Bible, 114–15. In the broader Mediterranean culture, cf., e.g., Demosthenes Or the Embassy 4–5. 2711 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.9.3 (196 B.C.E.). 2712 E.g., the ideal herald Aethalides in Apollonius of Rhodes 1.640–648. 2713 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 292–293. 2714 The sense of a cognate noun and verb need not agree, but given the noun " s absence in the LXX and the verb s prominence there in a manner analogous to early Christian usage, it seems likelv that the noun here reflects a Christian usage coined to match the cognate LXX verb (albeit in less technical use in secular vocabulary). 2715 Joshua by Moses (Josh 14:7; cf. Josh 11:15); Barak by Deborah ( Judg 4:6 ); Saul " s messenger? ( 1Sam 19:20 ); David (allegedly) by Saul ( 1Sam 21:2 ); angels from God (e.g., Judg 13:8 ; Tob 12cf. Gen 24:7 ); cf. messengers in 1 Kgs 18:10; 19:2;2Kgs 1:2,6,9,11,13; etc. A disciple may be " sent» as his master " s representative (the false but believable claim in 2 Kgs 5:22; cf. 2 Kgs 9:1–4). |
| 6457 E.g., Homer I1. 15.612–614; 16.441; see further the discussion on John 2:4 . 6458 E.g., Homer Il. 6.487–488. 6459 Excepting his military victories (Pss. So1. 17:21–25); Martyn, Theology, 96. But on new-Moses signs of some of the «signs prophets,» see our introduction, pp. 270–72. 6460 Martyn, Theology, 93. 6461 Tilborg, Ephesus, 101–7, suggests that John " s audience will read «high priests» through the lens of those in Ephesus; but even uninformed Ephesian readers would know of Jewish high priests (cf. Acts 19:14), and believers might know them from the gospel tradition preserved in the Synoptics. Still less likely is Derrett " s association of «rulers» in 7with cosmic powers («ρχοντες»); though this association appears in some passages (see Keener, Paul, 64–65), «rulers» were normally human (e.g., Rom 13:1 ). 6462 Despite the same Greek term as in Luke 4(and CIJ l:xcix; 1:124, §172; Leon, Jews, 190), these bear no relationship with the hazzan of the synagogue (cf. Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 49); the term had a broader usage ( Prov 14:35 ; Isa 32:5; Dan 3LXX; Wis 6:4; John 18:3,12, 18,22,36; 19:6 ; Matt 5:25; Mark 14:54,65 ; Luke 1:2; Acts 5:22,26; 13:5; 26:16; 1Cor 4:1 ). John 7:32, 45–46 refers to the templés Levite police (Jeremias, Jerusalem, 210); see also comment on 18:3. 6463 Cf. here also Von Wahlde, «Terms,» 233. Probably by the end of the second century, the head of the rabbinic movement could dispatch troops, authorizing arrests of wayward rabbis (p. Hor. 3:1, §2; Sanh. 2:1, §3, though probably fictitious). 6464 See Keener, Matthew, 351–53, 538–40. 6465 Thus Pharisees and chief priests are linked especially by Matthew (Matt 21:45; 27:62) and, writing after those who saw themselves as Pharisaism " s heirs had gained greater power (led by the Pharisaic leader Gamaliel II), John (7:32,45; 11:47,57; 18:3). See further comment on our introduction to 1:19–28. 6466 John probably recycles his material in various contexts, which was acceptable rhetorical technique (Theon Progymn. 4.73–79; 5.388–441); cf. Brown, John, 1(citing 8:21–22). |
| 10242 Dodd, Tradition, 133. Breaking Jesus» bones could provide a plausible explanation for why Jesus died so quickly in the tradition, but John insists that they did not break his bones. 10243 Brown, Death, 1177, citing Quintilian Declamationes maiores 6.9. But could this «piercing» refer to those fastened to the cross with nails? Jewish tradition also required proof of death before treating one as dead (Semahot 1; m. Šabb. 23:5; Safrai, «Home,» 773); sometimes one died as the spear was withdrawn (Valerius Maximus 3.2.ext.5). The later tradition that the piercing soldier " s name was Longinus was a midrashic extrapolation from λγχη, «spear» (as also recognized by Calvin, John, 2:239, on John 19:34 ). 10246 Ibid., 135. Descriptions of grotesque emissions from those violently slain can indeed serve a purely physical purpose in their narratives (e.g., Homer I1. 17.297–298). 10247 Nunn, Authorship, 13; Allen, «Church,» 92; Talbert, John, 246 (citing Irenaeus Haer. 3.22.2); cf. Wilkinson, «Blood.» 10248 Docetism appealed to the Greek worldview even before its developed Christian varieties (see Hippolytus Haer. 8.3–4); Greeks could praise rulers as «seeming» (δοκεν) human but really being from God (Menander Rhetor 2.1–2, 370.21–26). The docetic idea of a wraith as substituted for Jesus on the cross (critiqued in Irenaeus Haer. 1.24.4), followed in the Qur " an (cf. Cook, Muhammad, 79), derives from Hellenistic mythology, e.g., in Homer II 5.449–453; Helen in Euripides Helen (following the Recantation of Stesichorus) and Apollodorus Epitome 3.5; Iphigeneia in Lycophron Alex. 190–191 and Apollodorus Epitome 3.22; Ovid Fasti 3.701–702 (allowing Caesar " s being snatched up to heaven despite his apparent death, 3.703–704); Ixion " s cloud in Apollodorus Epitome 1.20; cf. the angel arrested in Moses» place in p. Ber. 9:1, §8 (third century C.E.). 10249 Against this position is also the greater likelihood of the symbolic position articulated below (see Hunter, John, 181). 10250 |
| 5921 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.58–59. 5922 Let. Aris. 131–132, 156–157; see further Longenecker, Paul 54–58; Davies, Paul 27–29. Cf. Xenophon Mem. 4.3.13; Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Cicero Nat. d. 2.54.133–58.146; Seneca Benef. 6.23.6–7; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7, 10; 1.16.8; 2.14.11; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Theophilus 1.5–6. 5923 Other messianic claimants also appealed to promised signs as testimony of their identity (Talbert, John, 128, cites Josephus Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97,167–172). 5924 In Johannine theology, those who did see him through Jesus would be transformed, both spiritually in the present (1 John 3:6) and physically eschatologically (1 John 3:2). 5925 E.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3; see the source in Exod 19:9,11; 24:10–11. Philosophers spoke of hearing and seeing God through reason (cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10). 5926 «Thunders» in Exod 19LXX is «sounds» or «voices» (φωνα). A later tradition even says this voice raised the dead (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18). 5927 Dahl, «History,» 133; cf. also Borgen, Bread, 151; Brown, John, 1:225; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52; Whitacre, Polemic, 68; see comment on 6:46. Against the bat kol here, see Odeberg, Gospel, 222. In Pirqe R. E1. 11, Torah shares God " s image; see comment on 1:3. 5928 Odeberg, Gospel, 223–24. Greeks told stories of gods unrecognized among mortals, as Jews did of angels (see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.105, 113–135; 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 1.212–213; 2.698; 5.451–461; 6.26–27; 8.621–629; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Heb 13:2; cf. Gen 18 ; Tob 5:4–6,12; 9:1–5; Philo Abraham 114). 5929 Whitacre, John, 137, may be right to see polemic against mystical Judaism here; but we can account for the text sufficiently on the basis of any Torah-observent Jewish circles. 5930 See Philo Confusion 97,147; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.80–81,171; 3.83. Cf. Plutarch Isis 29, Mor. 362D; 43, 368C; 54, 373B; 377A. 5931 For a person having Torah in oneself, see, e.g., Deut 30:14 ; Ps 37:31; 40:8; 119:11 ; Lev. Rab. 3:7. Believers have Jesus " words in them ( John 15:7 ), Jesus in them (6:56; cf. 1 John 3:15 ), and remain in Jesus ( John 8:31 ). |
| 6372 Homer Od. 18.196; Euripides Medea 300, 923; Virgil Aen. 12.67–69; Ovid Metam. 1.743; 2.607; 13.789; Plutarch Theseus 23.2; Longus 1.18; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3; Chariton 2.2.2. They also preferred thick, dark eyebrows (Artemidorus Onir. 1.25; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3) and full cheeks (Artemidorus Onir. 1.28). 6373 Virgil Aen. 10.137; Ovid Metam. 2.852; 3.423; 4.354–355; Longus 1.16; Babrius 141.7. For exceptions, see Snowden, Blacks, 105,154,178–79. 6374 See Stauffer, Jesus, 59. 6375 Cf. Lev. 19:27 ; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:3. Evidence for the Diaspora suggests that Jews, like most of their contemporaries, were usually clean-shaven or short-bearded before Hadrian (Sanders, Judaism, 123–24); but coins from 54 and 37 B.C.E. and 70 C.E. all present Jewish captives with «shoulder-length hair and full beards» (Stauffer, Jesus, 60; significant unless their hair simply grew out in captivity on all these occasions). 6376 Stauffer, Jesus, 59. Black hair was common (see Matt 5and sources cited in Keener, Matthew, 194–95). 6377 See, e.g., Luke, «Society»; see comments in our introduction, ch. 5. On «murmuring» in 7:12, see the verb cognate in 6:41–42 (with comment), 61; 7:32. 6378 Jurors in politically sensitive situations had been known to avoid publishing their opinions (Plutarch Caesar 10.7). Rhetoricians practiced presenting various sides of a debate, and historians developed this skill in seeking to detail what each side in a conflict would have felt; the negative characters here tend to be flatter, however, serving John " s overall purpose (see our introduction, pp. 216–17). Cf. the use of λλοωσις described in Rutilius Lupus 2.2; Quintilian 9.3.93 (Anderson, Glossary, 16–17), undoubtedly related to σγκρισις and perhaps to διαρεσις (in the sense of distributio in Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.47; Anderson, Glossary, 32–33); also επνοδος in Anderson, Glossary, 49–50; for an example of presenting various views about a person, see Iamblichus V.P. 6.30. 6379 Meeks, Prophet-King, 47–52, 56; Stauffer, Jesus, 206; Hill, «Sanhédrin:» Cf. 1Q29 frg. 1 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 178–79, using 4Q376) for discerning false prophets; and more clearly from Deut 18 , 4Q375 1 1.1–4 (a true prophet) vs. 4–5 (a false one), on which see further Brin, «Prophets.» |
| 4926 The conjoining of antonyms resembles some forms of rhetorical antithesis (on which see Rhet. Alex. 26,1435b.25–39; Rowe, «Style,» 142; Anderson, Glossary, 21–22). 4927 Bürge, Community, 157,170. Baptism without the Spirit is worthless (White, Initiation, 254, 262; Culpepper, Anatomy, 193; cf. Ellis, World, 64; Ladd, Theology, 285). 4931 E.g., Sent. Sext. 139a-139b. Contrast the evil of matter in some forms of gnostic and later Hellenistic philosophic systems (Plotinus Enn. 1.8), and in tamer systems the worthlessness (Plotinus Enn. 2.4; cf. Marcus Aurelius 2.2) or lesser reality (Plotinus Enn. 3.6) of matter; cf. Flusser, Judaism, 62. 4933 Gentiles could relate the body to passions (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.52.6; Seneca Dia1. 2.16.1; Plutarch Reply to Colotes 27, Mor. 1122D), or contrast flesh with soul (e.g., Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 382F; Pleas. L. 14, Mor. 1096E), or note its weakness (Plutarch Pleas. L. 6, Mor. 1090EF). 4934 For the body and passions, see, e.g., T. Jud. 14:3; for contrast with the soul, see, e.g., Philo Giants 29–31; for the earthly body vs. the heavenly soul, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.2. Cf. later rabbinic comments on bodily members and the evil impulse (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2). 4935 E.g., Aristotle N.E. 1.12.6,1102a; Lucretius Nat. 3.370–395; Marcus Aurelius 5.13; 6.32; Diogenes Laertius 3.63; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Diogenes Ep. 39; Plutarch Plat. Q. 3.1, Mor. 1002B; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.79; Greek Anth. 7.109. Some allowed the distinction only for humans (Sallust Cati1. 1.2, 7), others also for animals (Aristotle Po1. 1.2.10, 1254a; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.28). 4936 Plato Laws 8.828D; Phaedo 64CE; Phaedrus 245C; Rep. 10.611BC; Aristotle Soul 1.4, 408b; Herodotus Hist. 2.123; Cicero Sen. 20.78; Tusc. 1.14.31; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.62.1; Seneca Dia1. 12.11.7; Ep. Luci1. 57.9; Plutarch D.V. 17, Mor. 560B; Diogenes Laertius 8.5.83; Plotinus Enn. 4.7–8; Philo Virtues 67. 4937 Most notably, Epicureans viewed the soul as mortal (Lucretius Nat. 3.417–829; Diogenes Laertius 10.124–125); Stoics also came to accommodate their view of the soul to their view of the cosmic conflaguration (Seneca Dia1. 6.26.7). Popular thought drew also from the «shades» of earlier myth (Homer Od. 11.204–224, 487–491). |
| 5619 Mud from cold winter rains (m. Ta c an. 1:3) and inundated creek beds (cf. Homer 77. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Livy 44.8.6–7; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Herodian 3.3.7), as well as cold and rains (Hesiod Op. 450, 494) lasting through early February (Hesiod Op. 504–505), deterred travelers. See further comment on John 10:22 . 5620 E.g., Dodd, Tradition, 395–96; ÓDay, «John,» 569; on proverbs in John, see Collins, Written, 128–50; on the use of gnomes (truisms or maxims) in ancient rhetoric, see Heath, Hermogenes, 13–14; Rowe, «Style,» 148 (citing as examples Isocrates Archidamus 6.101–102; Cicero Mi1. 4.10–11). Ensor, « John 4.35 ,» finds 4consistent with other extant Jesus tradition and hence likely authentic. 5622 Ellis, Genius, 73. Dodd, Tradition, 394–95, notes that the Greeks reckoned a six-month interim and argues that the proverb makes better sense in Semitic form than as a rough Greek iambic trimeter (cf. November plowing in Hesiod Op. 383–384,448–450, and May harvest, 383–384). 5624 Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.2.6; 3.23.2; Xenophon Oec. 16.10–12; 17.2. For details, see Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 108–9. 5625 Thucydides 3.1.1 (on Greece); in May (Hesiod Op. 383–384; also on Greece). One kind of wheat that grew particularly quickly was called the three-months kind (Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.2). 5626 Stauffer, Jesus, 69, points out that the barley harvest, due in March (or April), was white (some soils make it whiter–Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.3; cf. 2.13.2), not the wheat harvest of April (or May, as in the tenth-century B.C.E. Gezer calendar; it occurs in summer in Italy, [Virgil] Priap. 1.1–2); he accordingly dates the encounter to November of 29. But «whiteness» may mean simply «brightness» in the Mediterranean sun (Sanders, John, 151 n. 7); some kinds of wheat are also called «white» (p. Péah 2:5; others are red; the «white» field of m. 2is probably irrelevant here). Different soils favor barley or wheat (Plutarch Nat. Q. 15, Mor. 915D; Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.4; 4.13.4), and many rabbis prohibited sowing them together (m. Ki1. 1:9). |
| 8639 This image also occurs elsewhere in early Christian literature; cf. Longenecker, Christol-ogy, 26ff. 8643 Johnston, Parables, 592. In Amoraic texts, see, e.g., Deut. Rab. 3:11; in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, see Hafemann, «Moses.» 8646 Holwerda, Spirit, i, 64; Price, «Light,» 23; Hasitschka, «Parakletworte»; Turner, Spirit, 85–87; cf. Porsch, Wort, 324 (the revelation is «in einer forensischen Situation»). 8648 Franck, Revelation, 9–10, who argues (17–21) that the macrostructure context is what provides the forensic meaning. 8649 Shafaat, «Geber,» 267. Isaacs, Spirit, 95, sees the Paraclete not as an advocate before God but as a helper to the disciples. 8651 Harris, Prologue, 38, especially dealing with the Pleroma of sapiential traditions, though he does not develop it sufficiently in pre-Christian texts. 8653 Riesenfeld, «Paraclete,» 272. Franck, Revelation, 130–31, accepts it as part of the background, but not the whole. 8657 Bürge, Community, 142; Quispel, «Qumran,» 147; Barrett, John, 91; so also Crane, Spirit. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 214, thinks that the masculine in 16may presume that the fourth Paraclete saying originally immediately preceded the fifth; but this assumes an editorial ineptness not characteristic of John " s relatively consistent style. For εκενος as «he» in John, even when referred back to an immediate antecedent, see Arndt and Gingrich, Lexicon, 239. 8658 In Gnosticism, see Irenaeus Haer. 1.2.5; Gospel of Philip 70–71 (NHL 136); Wilson, «Spirit,» 352; Pagels, Gospels, 52–53; Daniélou, Theology, 81. In Mandean texts, Wilson, «Spirit,» 355; in Elkesite tradition, see Hippolytus Haer. 9.8; Daniélou, Theology, 140 (despite the gnostic formulation in Hippolytus, however, a feminine interpretation of the Spirit is natural from a Hebrew reading). 8660 There are some indications of feminine imagery for God already in the biblical tradition (De Boer, Fatherhood, passim), developed further in the second-century Christian text Odes So1. 19:1–7, and Jesus could be portrayed in feminine terms in Odes So1. 8(though cf. similarly 1Cor 3for Paul; Homer I1. 8.271–272; Od. 20.14–16), and perhaps less self-consciously in Matt 23:37; Luke 13:34. A late Amora observes that «the Holy Spirit ... is sometimes used as masculine and sometimes as feminine» (Ecc1. Rab. 7:27, §1). |
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