| 7589 1 Th 4:13; Acts 7:60; Rev 14:13; Sir 30:17 ; Jub. 23:1; 36:18; 1 En. 89:38; Pss. So1. 2:31; L.A.B. 3:10; 4Ezra7:31–32;2Bar. 11:4;21:25; 36:11; T.Mos. 10:14; L.A.E.48:2; T.Dan 7:1; T. Iss. 7:9; T.Zeh. 10:6; Gen. Rah. 62:2. 7590 E.g., Sophocles Oed. co1. 1578; Callimachus Epigrams 11, 18; Plutarch Apol1. 12, Mor. 107D; Propertius Eleg. 2.28.25; Diogenes Laertius 1.86; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 3.6. See also in unrelated societies (Mbiti, Religions, 204–5). 7592 E.g., Chariton 5.5.5–6; for such an announcement that one was dead, Plutarch Cimon 18.7. An orator sometimes intended an audience to take his words the opposite of the way he put them (Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137), but this was irony, not deliberate obscurity. 7593 Sleep allows respite from pain (Sophocles Track 988–991); conversely, loss of sleep can hasten death (Livy 40.56.9) or illness (Livy 22.2.11); one could be tortured to death by lack of sleep (Aulus Gellius 7.4.4; Cicero Pis. 19.43; Valerius Maximus 9.2.axf.l). Lack of sleep could stem from self-discipline (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.64.2; Livy 23.18.12; Silius Italicus 9.4–5), devotion to Torah ( Ps 119:55, 148 ; 1QS 6.7–8), or repentance (Jos. Asen. 18MSS); sickness (Hippocrates Regimen in Acute Diseases 1–2; Prorrhetic 1.135–136; love-sickness (Achilles Tatius 1.6; PGM 101.5–7), jealousy (Plutarch Themistocles 3.3–4), fear (Publilius Syrus 359; Plutarch Alex. 31.4; Silius Italicus 13.256–257), anxiety caused by vice (Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100F), or other anxiety (Homer Il. 2.2–3; Aristophanes Lys. 27; Livy 40.56.9; Plutarch Cicero 35.3); mourning (Homer Il. 24.4–6); idleness during the day (m. Abot 3:4); or hardships (Arrian Ind. 34.7; Gen 31:40 ; perhaps 2Cor 11:27 ; Chariton 1.2.3). 7594 In 11δοκω (here the aorist δοξαν) signifies misunderstanding, as it always does in John (5:39,45; 13:29; 16:2; 20:15), including in this context (11:31, 56). 7595 Bernard, John, 2:380, suggests that Jesus " joy relates to fulfilling his mission (cf. 4:36; 15:11; 17:13). |
| 39 Несмотря на победу над Маврозомом, Феодор I был вынужден добровольно уступить по договору с султаном часть своих владе ний (города Хоны, Лаодокию и местности по течению Меандра) Мануилу ради безопасности на востоке и помощи от Иконии (Nic. Chon. Historia. P. 638. 65—69). 40 Намек на: Пс. 76:11. 41 Намек на: Втор. 14:2. 42 T. e. Никеи. 43 Давид Комнин, владевший всей Пафлагонией. Поход начался летом-осенью 1206 г 44 Пс. 97, 8 и намек на Пс. 113:3. 45 Имеется в виду река Сангарий. 46 Пандар был лучшим лучником в воине троянцев. См.: Homer. Il. 5, 95—289. 47 Гектор — сын Приама и Гекубы — был главным защитником Трои. О искусстве обороняться щитом см.: Homer. Il. 7. 237—238. 48 Лк. 23:30. Речь здесь, вероятно, идет о взятии Плусиады. 49 Неточная цитата из Мф. 27:42. 50 Хониат имеет в виду Давида, праотца Христа. 51 Там же. 143, 2; 15, 5. 52 Об алтаре Милосердия в Афинах см.: Pausan. I. 17, 1; Apollod. 2, 8, 1. Едва ли речь здесь идет о строительстве храма Феодо ром I. Вероятно, Хониат употребляет этот термин аллегорически. 53 Намек на: Рим. II:24. 54 Ираклия Понтийская была «столицей» владений Давида Комиина. 55 Сражение с латинянами под Никомидией. 56 Пословица. Ср.: Иероним. Против Иоанна Иерусалимского/PL. Т. 23, 407В, 14—15. 57 Пословица. 58 Союз между Давидом и латинянами был, вероятно, заключен вскоре после разгрома Синадина (см. примеч. 50), т. е. в конце 1205 — первой половине 1206 г. См.: Карпов С. П. Сочинения Никиты Хониата как источник по истории Трапезундской импе рии/Проблемы всеобщей истории. МГУ. 1971. С. 148. 59 Намек на: Пс. 26:12. 60 Император Генрих послал отряд латинян под командованием сенешаля Романии Тьери де Лоос в тыл Феодору I, угрожая Никее. См.: Виллардуэн Ж. Взятие Константинополя, 455; Nic. Chon. Historia. 640. 15—24. 61 Nic. Chon. Historia. P. 640, 24—26. 62 Давид Комнин в благодарность за помощь послал в латинский Константинополь несколько кораблей с хлебом, получив взамен 300 рыцарей, с помощью которых вернул Плусиаду и напал на владения Феодора I (Nic. Chon. Historia. P. 640, 30—42). Это произошло уже после возвращения Ласкаря в Никею и по этому в «Речи» об этом ничего не говорится. |
| 7046 On «God " s works,» cf. comment on 6:28; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 415, on 1QS 4.4. John 3also speaks of «manifesting works,» but the parallel is primarily one of idiom rather than of theology (cf. 1 John 3:8 ; Johannine literature employs φανερω frequently: 1:31; 2:11; 7:4; 17:6; 21:1, 14; 1 John 1:2; 2:19, 28; 3:2, 5, 8; 4:9; Rev 3:18; 15:4); the idea in 2is closer. 7049 E.g., Chrysippus contended that Providence did not make sickness but in making good had to allow the bad to be produced (Aulus Gellius 7.1.7–13). 7051 Sipre Deut. 306.30.2, 5, 6. God " s mighty acts could be said to be predestined before creation (Gen. Rab. 5:5). 7052 Martyn, Theology, 28. For the verb «working» with the noun «works,» see also 6:28; Philostratus Hrk. 17.6. 7053 E.g., Homer Il. 2.387; 7.282; 8.529–530; 11.209; 14.259–261; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1059; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.48.3; Arrian Alex. 1.19.2; Polybius 5.86.1–2; Caesar Alex. W. 1.11; Gallic W. 2.11; Apollodorus Epitome 4.2; Silius Italicus 5.678; 13.254–255; Philostratus Hrk. 58.4; their uncommonness made night attacks all the more devastating (Homer II. 10.100–101; Arrian Alex. 1.4.1); forced dismissal of the Senate (Cicero Earn. 1.2.3). Augustinés interpretation of «night» here as hell (Tract. Ev. Jo. 44.6) is fanciful (Whitacre, John, 238). 7054 Including for the eyes (Tob 11:11–13; CIG 5980, in Deissmann, Light, 135–36; cf. commentaries on Rev 3:18). Proper use of eye salve could help (Epictetus Diatr. 2.21.20; 3.21.21), but use of the wrong substance could produce blindness instead (Diodorus Siculus 22.1.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 20.5.2–3; Appian R.H. 3.9.2). 7056 E.g., Theophrastus Char. 16.14. For magical uses, see esp. Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 8–11 (forwarded to me by Daniel Wallace). 7057 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 170, e.g., cite Pliny Nat. 27.75; 28.5,48,61,77; 29.12,32; 32.39; Boring et a1., Commentary, 284, cite SIG 1173 (138 C.E.; magical). On therapeutic uses, see further Galen N.F. 3.7.163 (for skin diseases); Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 11–16. |
| 10315 Cf. Petronius Sat. 112. Daube, «Gospels,» 342, thinks that Jewish custom also usually withheld anointing from corpses of the executed. Bammel, «Trial,» 444, thinks that requests for the body usually preceded the execution (as in Gos. Pet. 2:3ff). 10316 E.g., Homer I1. 24.22–137; Sophocles Ajax 1326–1369; Ant. 278–279, 450–455, 692–695, 1348–1353; Euripides Supp1. 19; Cicero Verr. 2.1.3.7; Lucan C.W. 7.809–811; Valerius Maximus 5.3.ext.3c; Philostratus Hrk. 33.32. 10317 E.g., Homer I1. 7.79,84,409–410; Virgil Aen. 11.100–107; Livy 38.2.14; Appian R.H. 12.9.60: Cornelius Nepos 18 (Eumenes), 13.4; Silius Italicus 10.518–520; 12.473–478; Valerius Maximus 5.1.11; 5.1.ext.6; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.14, 41; 2Sam 2:5; 21:12–14 ; 2Macc 4:49; Josephus Ant. 4.264–265; cf. Ps.-Phoc. 99–101. 10318 Philo Flaccus 83–84; Taylor, Mark, 600; Gnilka, Jesus, 314; Lane, Mark, 578, cites also Cicero Phi1. 2.7.17; Plutarch Antonius 2. 10319 Brown, Death, 1207–8, shows that Justinian Dig. 48.24 reports Roman law as early as Augustus allowing relatives to bury the corpse but refusing it for maiestas (treason); but he rightly observes that magistrates made these decisions themselves in the provinces (cf. Cicero Verr. 2.5.45, §119; Philo Flaccus 83–84). 10320 Brown, Death, 1208–9; whether a crime was truly against the maiestas of the state was sometimes debatable (e.g., Seneca Controv. 9.2.13; cf. the wordplay in Cicero Fam. 3.11.2). The Jewish officials would surely not object to the burial, however, and without opposition Pilate was free to act as he pleased. He had settled matters adequately for the chief priests. 10322 E.g., Herodian 1.13.4–6; 3.5.6; 4.6.1. Continued ties with a prisoner could be dangerous; this concern reduced Apollonius " s disciples by more than three-quarters (Rapske, Custody, 388, citing Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 4.37). 10323 E.g., Cornelius Nepos 1 (Miltiades), 7.5–6; 2 (Themistocles), 8.1–7; 3 (Aristides), 1.1–5; 7 (Alcibiades), 4.1–2; Babrius 4.6–8; 31.23–24; 64.10–11; Phaedrus 1.21.1–2; 2.7.14–15; 3.5.1; 4.6.11–13. |
| Herodian. History. Translated by C. R. Whittaker. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969. Herodotus. History. Translated by A. D. Godley. 4 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920–1925. Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica. Translated by Hugh G. Evelyn-White. Rev. ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936. Hippocrates. Translated by W. H. S. Jones, Ε. T. Withington, Wesley D. Smith, and Paul Potter. 8 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1923–1995. History of Joseph. Introduction and translation by G. T. Zervos. OTP 2:467–75. Homer. The Iliad. Translated by Α. T. Murray. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924. Homer. The Odyssey. Translated by A. T. Murray. 2d ed. Revised by George E. Dimock. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995. Horace. The Odes and Epodes. Translated by C. E. Bennett. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914. Horace. Satires, Epistles, and Ars poetica. Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough. LCL. London: Heinemann, 1926. «A Hymn to Amon-Re.» Translated by J. A. Wilson. ANET 365–367. Iamblichus. «A Babylonian Story.» Introduction and translation by Gerald N. Sandy. Pages 783–97 in Collected Ancient Greek Novels. Edited by B. P. Reardon. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989. Iamblichus. On the Mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians. Translated by Thomas Taylor. 3d ed. London: Stuart & Watkins, 1968. Iamblichus. On the Pythagorean Way of Life: Text, Translation, and Notes. By John Dillon and Jackson Hershbel1. SBL Texts and Translations 29, Graeco-Roman Religion Series 11. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1991. Die Inschriften von Ephesos. Edited by Hermann Wankel et a1. 8 vols. Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 11. Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1979–1984. «The Instruction for King Meri-Ka-Re.» Translated by John A. Wilson. ANET 414–418. «Instructions for Palace Personnel to Insure the King " s Purity.» Translated by Albrecht Goetze. ANET 207. «Instructions for Temple Officials.» Translated by Albrecht Goetze. ΑΝΕT 207–10. |
| l.4. – «In the second order he translated from Greek into Aramaic.» He was an interpreter; on which passage S. E. Assemani observes – «Ad munus interpretis recte adnotat Valesius, apud Syros olim Divinas Scripturas Graece fuisse lectitatas, quas deinde Interpres Syriacus redderet,» Ibid. p. ii. p. 171. I should feel much disposed to question this assertion without greater proof. Doubtless before this time the Scriptures were translated into Syriac. The meaning of the passage may also imply that Procopius was engaged in translating other ecclesiastical works into Syriac from the Greek. This very copy of Eusebius was transcribed only 108 years after the Martyrdom of Procopius. Ibid. p. 166. S. E. Assemani gives his opinion in these words: – «Imo vero quum S. Procopius Sanctorum librorum a Graeco in Syriacum sermonem in ecclesia Scythopolitana Interpres dicatur, plane inde colligitur, Syriacum seu Chaldaicum idioma Palsestinis tune vernaculum fuisse, atque adeo ejusdem Procopii, quemadmodum et aliorum martyrum in Palaestina coronatorum, Acta Syriace seu Chaldaice ab Eusebio fuisse primum exarata, eademque ipsa esse, quse prge manibus habemus, omnino tenendum est. Neque enim verisimile est, Eusebium, quam in usum popularium suorum, et in ovium sibi concreditarum solatium scribebat, martyrum historian! iis literis consignasse, quas omnes non callerent.» Ibid. p. 166. l. 12. – «Flavianus.» The other Syriac has [Syriac], Paulinus, evidently a mistake of the scribe. l. 21. – «Greatest of the poets of the Greeks.» The Latin has «Homeri inquit versum, dicens;» and the other Syriac, [Syriac], «Homer, the celebrated of the poets of the Greeks. " » Those words of Homer, Iliad ii. 24, were often cited by the early Christians, and do not therefore prove that Procopius was acquainted with his poems. See Heinichen " s note. l. 19. – «The Emperors, who were four in number.» These were Diocletianus, Maximianus, Constantius, and Galerius. See Eusebius Ecc. Hist. b. viii. c. 13; and supplement to same book; and Valesius " s notes, Eng. Trans. pp. 148. 153. |
| 1–25; BrambsJ. G. De auctoritate tragoediae Christianae quae inscribi solet Christos paschön Gregorio Nazianzeno biso attributae. Eichstadt, 1883; Krumbacher K. Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur, 2. Aufl. München, 1897. S. 746–749.armen. 1864. S. 1–25; BrambsJ. G. De auctoritate tragoediae Christianae quae inscribi solet Christos paschön Gregorio Nazianzeno biso attributae. Eichstadt, 1883; Krumbacher K. Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur, 2. Aufl. München, 1897. S. 746–749.rambsJ. G. De auctoritate tragoediae Christianae quae inscribi solet Christos paschön Gregorio Nazianzeno biso attributae. Eichstadt, 1883; Krumbacher K. Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur, 2. Aufl. München, 1897. S. 746–749.iso attributae. Eichstadt, 1883; Krumbacher K. Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur, 2. Aufl. München, 1897. S. 746–749.yzantinischen Literatur, 2. Aufl. München, 1897. S. 746–749. 1080 Cottas V. Le theätre ättas V. Le theätre ä Byzance. Paris, 1931. P. 197–249; Id. L’in-fluence du drame «Christos Pasc hon» sur l’art chretien d’Orient. Paris, 1931.yzance. Paris, 1931. P. 197–249; Id. L’in-fluence du drame «Christos Pasc hon» sur l’art chretien d’Orient. Paris, 1931. 1081 Tuiller A. Introduction//Gregoire de Nazianze. La Passion du Christ. Tragedie/Introduction, texte critique, traduction, notes et index de А. Tuiller. Paris, 1969 (Sources Chretiennes 149). P. 11–121. 1082 Grosdidier de Matons J. A propos d’une edition recent du Christos paschön//Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation deosdidier de Matons J. A propos d’une edition recent du Christos paschön//Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance. Travaux et Memoires. 5. Paris, 1973. P. 363–373.yzance. Travaux et Memoires. 5. Paris, 1973. P. 363–373. 1084 Pseudo-Homer. Der Froschmäusekrieg. Theodores Prodromes. Der Katzenmäusekrieg/Griechisch und deutsch von H. Ahlbom. («Schriften und Quellen der allen Weits» 22).eudo-Homer. Der Froschmäusekrieg. Theodores Prodromes. Der Katzenmäusekrieg/Griechisch und deutsch von H. |
| 10324 E.g., Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 3.1; 8 (Thrasybulus), 4.1–2; 12 (Chabrias), 3.3; 14 (Datâmes), 5.2; 15 (Epaminondas), 7.1; 18 (Eumenes), 7.2; 10.2; 19 (Phocion), 4.3; 23 (Hannibal), 1.2; Herodian 3.2.3; Plutarch Demosthenes 26.5. 10328 John Chrysostom Hom. Matt. 88 also takes Joseph of Arimathea as a model of courage, risking enmity and death. 10331 Pace Goulder, «Nicodemus,» Nicodemus is not negative throughout the Gospel; he grows closer to a disciple and further from the Jerusalem leaders (Dschulnigg, «Nikodemus»). 10332 Washing the corpse was standard preburial practice in Mediterranean antiquity (e.g., Homer I1. 18.345, 350; 24.582; Euripides Phoen. 1667; Virgil Aen. 6.219; 9.487; Ovid Metam. 13.531–532; Apuleius Metam. 9.30; Acts 9:37), and anointing appears to be frequent as well (e.g., Homer I1. 18.350–351; 24.582; Virgil Aen. 6.219; Martial Epigr. 3.12; T. Ab. 20:11A); for ointments in embalming, e.g., Herodian 4.2.8; Hagner, Matthew, 758, cites P.Oxy. 736.13; Artemidorus 1.5; Gen 50LXX. For the practice in other cultures, see Mbiti, Religions, 329. 10335 T. Ab. 20:10A; L.A.E. 48.1; Apoc. Mos. 40.1–3; b. Ber. 18b; cf. white wrappings in L.A.B. 64:6; Gen. Rab. 96:5. 10338 E.g., Babinet, «Sindon.» Although the radiocarbon dating seems against it (Stanton, Gospel Truth, 119–20, noting the three independent carbon 14 tests, each claiming 95 percent certainty) and the colors are known from medieval artists» pigments (cf. Thompson, Debate, 238–43, who surveys both sides), traces of Palestinian plant fibers and early-first-century Judean burial customs suggest elements of accurate portrayal in the Shroud of Turin. For a thorough and well-documented survey of scientific data for the latter, as well as scientific evaluations on the contamination of the radiocarbon sample, see Borkan, «Authenticity.» If the Shroud dates from 1260 to 1390 as the radiocarbon tests suggest, it displays remarkable technology. 10339 Thompson, Debate, 240; Ducatillon, «Linceu1.» In Death, 1264–65, Brown argues that the Synoptics probably think of a single cloth whereas John has multiple wrappings. |
| Craig S. Keener 3. Authorship IN THIS CHAPTER WE WILL EXAMINE briefly some issues concerning the authorship of the Johannine literature. Although the commentary proper does not depend on views of authorship, the question may prove relevant for questions of historical reliability (hence to some extent also the question of where in the range of the biographical genre the work falls). Unfortunately, for some critics, views of authorship remain a litmus test of either ecclesiastical or academic orthodoxy. Although my Matthew commentary treated authorship in three pages and arrived at only tentative conclusions (with no effect on the commentary proper), 695 a few reviewers expended more ink discussing my view of authorship than the social-historical work on which the commentary proper focused. For better or worse, my conclusions on John are less tentative, less concise, and less in keeping with the scholarly consensus. They are, nevertheless, no more essential to the substance of the commentary proper, and I hope the commentary " s value will not be evaluated primarily on whether it concurs with current scholarly consensus on this issue. Common authorship for much of the Johannine literature and apostolic authorship for the Fourth Gospel are minority opinions in scholarly circles, sometimes associated with discredited dependence on church tradition. Yet forced-choice logic that automatically dismisses the value of our earliest extant traditions is no more academically sound than a mindset that accepts all of them uncritically. The extant historical evidence for the Fourth Gospel " s authorship is hardly certain, but the evidence is more than adequate to question the dogmatism with which many scholars have opposed it. Communities of interpretation do affect the plausibility structures one accepts, including those in matters of literary approaches. Thus nineteenth-century critics often denied any influence of Homer in the Iliad, whereas in the wake of declining skepticism a subsequent generation of scholars viewed the objections to Homeric influence as weak. 696 Similarly, where nineteenth-century scholarship often doubted Homer " s existence and denied the internal unity of both the Iliad and Odyssey, much of early-twentieth-century scholarship changed its views. 697 |
| 77 E.g., Lucian Hist. 12, who distinguishes proper biography from falsification and flattery; Plutarch in Poetry! (Mor. 16F) points to fabricated materials in poetry (quite different from his description of his sources in the Lives). See Mosley, «Reporting,» 26; Kany, «Bericht»; Witherington, Acts, 25–26; cf. Aune, Environment, 79 (who both notes the distinction and recognizes some overlap). 78 Most Greek tragedies reflected and developed earlier tradition; thus in Helen Euripides follows the Recantation of Stesichorus (which violates the natural reading of Homer), yet to harmonize with Homer must have Menelaus and Helen meet in Egypt and return to Sparta in time for Telemachus " s arrival in the Odyssey. But such constraints were much more general than with historical works (cf. how closely Matthew or Luke follows Mark). 79 Talbert, «Acts,» 72. Pseudo-Callisthenes mixes both historical and fictitious sources, plus adds his own fictions (e.g., Alex. 1.23), 450–750 years after the supposed events. Bowersock " s examples of fictitionalized history (Fiction as History 21) are also distinctly novelistic. 81 See, e.g., Aune, Environment, 151–53; Bauckham, «Acts of Paul»; Keylock, «Distinctness,» 210. One may compare works such as the Acts of Paul and Thecla or Acts of John 53–64,73–80, where elements of the romance story line are followed, except that the women become devotees of the male teacher in chastty, devoted not to sexual love but to God " s word. 82 Some scholars have suggested some overlap in the Gospels, though acknowledging that the degree varies from Gospel to Gospel (e.g., Freyne, Galilee, 11). 86 See Kee, Miracle, 193, for other propagandists narratives in the Isis cult. It is hardly true, however, that the genre as a whole was centered on religious propaganda (Kee, Miracle, 193–94). For more Isis aretalogies see Horsley, Documents, 1:10–21. 87 Dio Cassius 1.1.1–2; Fornara, Nature of History, 120–33; Palmer, «Monograph,» 3, 29, citing, e.g., Cicero Fam. 5.12.5; Polybius 1.4.11; 3.31.13; cf. also Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 47. Bur-ridge, Gospeb, 149–51, includes entertainment among the function of many biographies; and, p. 245, complains that most of Pervós criteria for identifying novels are so broad they apply to most historical works as well; cf. Porter, « " Wé Passages,» 551–52. Some fiction did occur at times in ancient biography (Chance, «Fiction»), especially when the subject had lived centuries earlier (Lefkowitz, Africa, 82). |
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