| 3255 E.g., Sophocles Searchers 212–215 (Sei. Pap. 3:44–45); Euripides Antiope 69–71; Pirithous 22–24 (Sei. Pap. 3:124–125); Virgil Aen. 1.28; Ovid Metam. 2.714–747; 3.1–2, 260–261; 4.234–244; 5.391–408; 10.155–219; 14.765–771; Achilles Tatius 1.5.5–7; Apuleius Metam. 6.22; Apollodorus 3.8.2. On very rare occasions a mortal escaped, outwitting the deity (Apollonius of Rhodes 2.946–954). 3257 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.244–246,275; Athenagoras 20–22; Theophilus 1.9; Ps.-Clem. 15.1–19.3. 3258 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 94–98; Appian R.H 12.15.101; Ovid Metam. 3.261–272, 280–309; 4.416–530. 3259 E.g., Euripides Hipp. 1–28,1400–1403 (because deities desire honor, Hipp. 8); Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64–65. 3263 E.g., Ovid Tristia 1.2.4–5. Even if Homer authored both the Iliad and the Odyssey, it remains noteworthy that the former portrays a much less harmonious pantheon; later Roman sources (e.g., the Aeneid) also portray their deities more favorably than the Iliad. 3264 Odysseus in Euripides Cyc1. 606–607. In prayer, pagans often piled up as many names of the deity they were entreating as possible (e.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38, 451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190) and reminded a deity of favors owed, seeking an answer on contractual grounds, as many ancient texts attest (e.g., Homer Il. 1.39–41; 10.291–294; Od. 1.61–62,66–67; 4.762–764; 17.240–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.417–419; Virgil Aen. 12.778). 3265 E.g., Pliny Nat. 2.5.17; Seneca Dia1. 7.26.6; Nat. 2.44.1–2.45.1; Maximus of Tyre Or. 5.1; 35.1. 3268 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 7.1.134, 148; Seneca Nat. 1.pref.13. Pantheism was also more widespread (cf. Virgil Georg. 4.221–222, 225; Aeschylus frg. 34, from Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.14, p. 718; Aeschylus LCL 2adds Philodemus On Piety 22). 3270 Frequently, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.25; cf. the identification also in Ps-Aristotle De mundo (according to Grant, Gods, 78). 3271 E.g., Chariton 3.3.16; Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351DE; T. T. 8.2.4, Mor. 720A. Cf. Plato Alcib. 1.124C: Socrates spoke of his guardian (επτροπος) as θες. |
| Some models of treachery (cf. Homer I1. 10.383,446–459) may have been understood favorably (though Odysseus offered no oath). Even betrayal of friendship occurred in the hostile world of Roman partisan politics (e.g., in Stowers, Letter Writing, 63). 8205 E.g., Lysias Or. 6.23, §105; 8.5–6, §112; Chariton 5.6.2 (φλος); Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 6.3; 11.5; Sir 22:21–22 ; T. Jud. 23:3; cf. Derrett, Audience, 69. This remained true even if onés life were at stake (Babrius 138.7–8); refusing to betray a friend or husband was honorable (Athenaeus Deipn. 15.965F, item 25; Seneca Controv. 2.5.intro.). Treachery and betrayal warranted death (Valerius Maximus 9.6). 8208 Cf., e.g., disgust for traitors against their peoples in Xenophon Hel1. 1.7.22; Cicero Fin. 3.9.32; Virgil Aen. 6.621; Livy 1.11.6–7; 5.27.6–10 (though cf. Livy 4.61.8–10); Valerius Maximus 1.1.13; Seneca Controv. 7.7.intro.; such behavior invited the hatred of even onés family (Livy 2.5.7–8; Cornelius Nepos 4 [Pausanias], 5.3). Loyalty to country might take precedence even over hospitality friendship (Xenophon Hel1. 4.1.34; Cornelius Nepos 13 [Timotheus], 4.4), but disloyalty to friends remained despicable (e.g., Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442.13–14). 8212 E.g., Lysias Or. 12.14, §121; 18.10, §150; Plutarch Cor. 10.3; Cicero Fam. 13.19.1; 13.25.1; 13.36.1; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 3.3; Exod. Rab. 28:1. This was true even over several generations (Homer I1. 6.212–231; Cicero Fam. 13.34.1) and could require the guest-friend to avenge his host (Philostratus Hrk. 46.2–3). Still, though it could be inherited, it could shift along with political interests (Marshall, Enmity, 18–21, 39–42). 8214 E.g., Homer I1. 21.76; Od. 4.534–535; 11.414–420; 14.404–495; Hesiod Op. 327; Euripides Cyc1. 126–128; Hec. 25–26,710–720,850–856; Apollonius of Rhodes 3.377–380; Ovid Metam. 1.144; 10.225–228; Livy 25.16.6. This principle included providing protection from other enemies (Ovid Metam. 5.44–45; Cornelius Nepos 2 [Themistocles], 8.3). |
| 10621 Schnackenburg, John, 3:318; Brown, John, 2:992; McPolin, John, 255; Morris, John, 841; Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644; Whitacre, John, 476; Smith, John (1999), 377. 10622 One could try to distinguish the prohibition for Mary from the invitation to Thomas by suggesting that Mary as a woman might be impure ( Lev 15:19–30 ), but apart from lacking clues in the text, this position would violate Johannine thought about purity as well as about gender (e.g., 2:6; 4:9). 10623 One might sever the first imperative grammatically from the following statement if one could take 20:17 " s γρ as anticipatory («since,» for the following clause) rather than causal (for the preceding; McGehee, «Reading»), but Johannine style makes that suggestion less likely. 10624 Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644. 10625 Cf. McPolin, John, 255. 10626 Schneiders, «Encounter,» 165. 10627 Witherington, Acts, 112–13. 10628 This real presence was, however, stronger than the mere epistolary presence that such language conventions as «absent in body, present in spirit» could imply ( 1Cor 5:3 ; Col 2:5; 1 Thess 2:17; Isocrates Nic. 51–52, Or. 3.37; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.1; Achilles Tatius 5.20.5; Stowers, Letter Writing, 60; Funk, «Parousia» 264; cf. Diogenes Laertius 7.1.24; contrast Diogenes Ep. 17). 10629 E.g., Homer I1. 12.15. The Iliad regularly predicts (e.g., I1. 21.110; 23.80–81) but does not narrate Achilles» death. 10630 Homer Il. 6.403; 22.506–507. 10631 E.g., Homer Od. 23.266–284. 10632 Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64, 75, 1135; 4.241–245. Writing after Euripides, this must be expected. 10633 E.g., Ovid Metam. 14.824–828; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.68; Phaedrus 4.12.3; cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1608, 1614,1622. See more fully Talbert, «Immortals.» 10634 See also 2 En. 67:1–3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 5:7; more fully, Palatty, «Ascension»; Luke, «Ascension»; Tabor, «Divinity»; Begg, «Disappearance.» 10635 Seealso Jos. Asen. 17:8, MSS; T. Ab. 4:5; 8:1; 15:11; 20:12A; 4:4; 8:1; 10:2B; cf. Jub. 32:20–21. 10636 Because of Heracles» apotheosis, people searched only vainly for his corpse (Diodorus Siculus 4.38.3–5); Romulus «vanished» (Plutarch Camillus 33.7); other deified persons, such as Aeneas, also «disappeared» (φανσθη, Diodorus Siculus 7.5.2; the term applies to Heracles in Lysias Or. 2.11, §191), as did Moses in Josephus Ant. 4.326. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, also compare the first-century B.C.E. traditions of Romulus " s ascension (Livy 1.16.2–8; Ovid Metam. 14.805–851; Vir. illustr. 2.13; Plutarch Numa 11.2–3), even by horses and carriage (Ovid Fasti 2.475–510; cf. 2 Kgs 2:11–18), and Job " s children in T. Job 39:8–40:4. |
| 4547 Calvin, John, 1(on John 2:6 ), calculated that it was enough wine for a banquet of up to 150 men, and a clear enough miracle that those who knew about the lack of wine (servants, disciples, and Jesus» mother) would know it was a miracle. 4549 Lee, Thought, 17; Roth, «Vessels.» Gamble, «Philosophy,» 51–52, regards the amount as a historical reminiscence. 4550 Safrai, «Religion,» 830, citing Sipra Sh. 8; Sipra Mezora Zabim 6; m. Miqwáot. The first-century houses debate in m. Ber. 8presupposes a restricted form of handwashing by pouring. 4551 Let. Arts. 305–306; Sib. Or. 3.591–593. Cf. Exod 30:19–21; 40:31; Jub. 21:16; Exod. Rab. 22:3; cf. Acts 16. 4552 For handwashing before prayer or other important purposes, e.g., Homer I1. 6.266; 9.171; 24.304–305; Od. 2.260–261; 12.336–337; Hesiod Op. 724–726, 737–741; Lysias Or. 6.52, §§107–108; Virgil Aen. 2.717–720; for expicit reference to ritual and other water being poured over hands, e.g., Homer/. 9.174; 24.302–303; Od. 1.136–138; 3.338; 4.52–54, 216; 21.270. 4553 McNamara, Judaism, 196, assumes it; Bernard, John, 1:77, applies this to the washing of hands before and after meals. P. Hag. 2:5, §3, demonstrates that the pool of forty séahs could also be used for the washing of hands. 4554 Some waterpots were «permanently embedded in the ground,» normally kept filled by girls of the home (Safrai, «Home,» 742; cf. Jeffers, World, 68). It is not clear, however, that such waterpots were in view here. 4555 The village «Cana» in Josephus War 1.102 lacks necessities for survival, but it seems unlikely that John could have expected his readers to have known of this; «Cana» does not appear in the LXX. An Amoraic tradition in p. Šabb. 14(Urbach, Sages, 1:281) associates the Sepphoris area with cold weather. 4557 The specific term γεμζω appears only in 2and 6:13, but as elsewhere John employs diverse synonyms for the sake of literary variation. 4558 Jewish texts, especially those sharing an apocalyptic vertical dualism, naturally portrayed God as νω (e.g., T. Ab. 7A). |
| 10669 Freyne, Galilee, 195. He attributes the lack of early Roman persecution of Jesus» followers to Galilean-Judean differences (p. 196), but is it not possible that they simply did not view Jesus» disciples as a threat (18:36–38)? 10670 Safrai, «Home,» 734; cf. Aristophanes Wasps 154–155. 10671 Cf. different views on the nature of the resurrection body in early Judaism (Ferguson, Backgrounds, 439–40). 10672 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10673 E.g., Homer Od. 4.795–803, 838–839; Boring et a1., Commentary, 306, cites Hom. Hymn, Hymn to Hermes 145–146. Laurin, John, 258, speculates on «molecular displacement,» an image not likely to have crossed the minds of John " s audience. 10674 Cf. Tholuck, John, 452–53. 10675 Witherington, Wisdom, 342. 10676 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10677 E.g., Jub. 12:29; 18:16; 19:29; 21:25; Gen. Rab. 100:7. It appears commonly in tomb inscriptions as well (Goodenough, Symbols, 2:108). 10678 For situation-appropriate words of «peace,» see, e.g., Tob 12(at an angelophany). On the efficacy of such words, cf. 1QS 2.9 10679 Mbiti, Religions, 85. 10680 So also others, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 335; Haenchen, John, 2:210; Cook, «Exegesis,» 5. 10681 Also Cicero Verr. 2.5.1.3; Seneca Controv. 1.4.2. Likewise, wounds could be displayed in corpses to stir indignation (Ovid Fasti 2.849; Plutarch Caesar 68.1). 10682 E.g., Ovid Metam. 13.262–267; Fasti 2.696–699 (in this case deceptively); Plutarch Alex. 50.6; Arrian Alex. 7.10.1–3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.62.3; Livy 45.39.17; Valerius Maximus 7.7.1; cf. Sallust Letter of Gnaeus Pompeius 1–2; Caesar C.W. 1.72; Silius Italicus 9.350–351; Valerius Maximus 3.2.24; or citing dangers one had faced, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 168–169; Cicero Cat. 4.1.2; 1Cor 15:30 . Cf. also bruises as marks of athletic exertion (Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.4). 10683 E.g., Homer Od. 19.467–473; P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31; Philostratus Hrk. 12.4. 10684 E.g., 2 Bar. 50:2–4; Gen. Rab. 95:1; Ecc1. Rab. 1:4, §2; for very literalistic understandings of the resurrection, Osborne, «Resurrection,» 933, cites 2Macc 7:10–11; 14:46; Sib. Or. 4.176–82. This idea probably is assumed in Matt 5but appears less probable in 1Cor 15:35–44, 50 . |
| 4472 So nicknamed for his refusal to step outside a circle until God sent rain; such circle-drawing implied forceful demands (e.g., Livy 45.12.5). 4473 Young, Theologian, 171–80, associates rabbinic chutzpah with the Gospel tradition in further detai1. Independently, I thought «chutzpah» the most apt description of this boldness (Keener, «Pneumatology,» 138–39; idem, Background Commentary, 154). 4476 Dixon, Mother, 179; Simon, «Women» (on Valerius Maximus 8.3); cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.44.1–8.54.1; Tacitus Ann. 16.10; Plutarch Cor. 34.1–2; Alex. 12.3; 21.1–3. Cf. also appeals to prefects with special concern for women " s powerlesness (e.g., P.Sakaon 36 in Horsley, Documents, 4:132–33; Lysias Or. 32.11–18, §§506–511). 4477 Plutarch Alex. 39.7. For ancient expectations of honoring and obeying parents and for stereotypical images of parents, see Keener, «Family,» 354–58. 4478 Diogenes Laertius 9.7.42 (the differentiation from κρη does not make it any less standard for general usage); Achilles Tatius 4.15.2; Jdt 11(Holofernes to Judith); cf. 4 Macc 15:17; 16:14; p. Nid. 1:4, §2. 4479 E.g., Haenchen, John, 1:173; Beck, Paradigm, 55. In earlier custom, it could apply affectionately to onés wife (Homer Od. 4.266; 8.424; 23.350; cf. perhaps Homer Od. 19.555, though Odysseus here acts as a beggar) but could also be curt (Sophocles Ajax 293). Colwell and Titus, Spirit, 113, wrongly suppose that she is no longer Jesus» mother because of his adoption by God in ch. 1, but this makes little sense of our passagés preference for her relational title over her name. 4480 Maccini, Testimony, 101 notes that Jesus never uses this of a woman he knows except his mother; but the data pool is small, since the only remaining use in this Gospel is the Samaritan. 4481 E.g., Sei. Pap. 1:318–19, lines 2, 21. For onés sister (probably wife), see P.Oxy. 528.2; P.S.I. 209.1. 4486 Feuillet, Studies, 35; Brodie, Gospel, 174–75. Culpepper, Anatomy, 134, regards this as possible but uncertain. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 32, thinks the woman is an allegorical symbol for sensation, as in Philo (Creation 59; Alleg. Interp. 2.12)! |
| 1154 That the Jerusalem church reflected many distinctive ideals of its setting is attested not only by Luke (Acts 21:20–21) and later Christian writers but possibly as early as the 60s if the ossuary belonging to «James brother of Jesus» represents the early Christian James (see Lemaire, «Burial Box of James»); but this may not be authentic. Even Paul gives a special role to the Jerusalem church ( Rom 15:25–27 ), and the original «mother church» is even more important to Lukés Diaspora portrait. 1155 Smith, Johannine Christianity, 22; Bultmann, John, 12; Kümmel, Introduction, 247; Aune, Eschatology, 25; cf. Fenton, John, 16. 1156 In OTP 2:727. Ignatius «may have known and even quoted from» the Odes (ibid.), but the clear contacts with other bishops indicated by his letters leaves little hope of localizing his tradition on this basis alone. 1157 Cf. Kümmel, Introduction, 247; Charlesworth, Disciple, 8. Burney, Origin, 127–29, locates the Gospel in Syria, probably Antioch, because he thinks it was written in Aramaic (but is not Palestinian becase John explains some Jewish customs); the Greek of the Fourth Gospel is typical Jewish (or general) Koine, however. For some works, it is unclear whether they were originally composed in Hebrew or Syriac (e.g., Klijn, «Introduction,» 616); but outside of Antioch, most Syrian works were probably not composed in Greek. 1159 On travel in antiquity, cf. Sir 31:9–12 ; Ramsay, «Roads»; Casson, Travel, 163–96; Friedländer, Life, 1:268–303, 316–428. Even the rapid spread of the Eastern cults was apparently caused by normal patterns of circulation (Bowers, «Paul,» 320). 1160 Cicero Part. or. 23.80; Off. 2.18.64; Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4; Epictetus Diatr. 1.28.23; Demetrius 3.157; Socrates Ep. 2; Apuleius Metam. 1.26; Ovid Metam. 10.224; Greek Anthology 7.516. 1161 Homer I1. 6.212–231; 9.199–220; 13.624–625; Od. 1.118–124; 3.345–358; 4.26–36; 9.176; Euripides Cyc1. 125–128,299–301; E1. 357–363. 1162 Homer Od. 6.207–208; 9.478–479; 14.57–58; Euripides Cyc1. 355; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.1131–1133; 3.193. |
| 6908 Hesiod Op. 719–721; Livy 44.34.4–5; Horace Sat. 1.4.81–82; Martial Epigr. 3.28; Dio Chrysostom Or. 37.32–33; Lucian A True Story 1; Slander passim; Marcus Aurelius 6.30.2. 6909 1QS 7.15–16; Sib. Or. 1.178; Josephus Ant. 13.294–295; 16.81; Ag. Ap. 2.89; War 1.77, 443, 532, 564; Philo Abraham 20; Spec. Laws 4.59–60; T. Ab. 12:6–7B; Rom 1:30 ; Sipre Deut. 1.8.2–3; 275.1.1; " Abot R. Nat. 9, 40A; 41, §116B; b. c Arak. 15a-16a; B. Bat. 39ab; Pesah. 118a; Sanh. 103a; Ta c an. 7b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:2; Gen. Rab. 79:1; 98:19; Exod. Rab. 3:13; Lev. Rab. 16:6; 26:2; 37:1; Num. Rab. 16:6; Deut. Rab. 5:10; 6:8,14; Ecc1. Rab. 3§1. 6910 Kraeling, John, 11–12. 6911 E.g., Justin Dia1. 69:7; b. Sanh. 43a; 107b. For more detailed discussion, see Klausner, Jesus, 27–28, 49–51, 293; Dalman, Jesus in Talmud, 45–50; Herford, Christianity 50–62; Gero, «Polemic»; Horbury, «Brigand,» 183–95; Stanton, Gospel Truth, 156–58. 6912 E.g., Homer Od. 18.15,406; 19.71; see more detailed comment on John 7:20 . 6913 Stanton, Gospel Truth, 161–62, suggesting that Mark 3and Q attest it independently. (But Mark may follow Q here.) 6914 Deut 4:2; 33:9; 1 Chr 10:13; esp. Ps 119:9, 17, 67, 101, 158 ; John 17:6; 1 John 2:5 ; Jub. 2:28; CD 6.18; 10.14,16; 20.17; 1QS 5.9; 8.3; 10.21; Sib. Or. 1.52–53. See Pancaro, Law, 403–30. 6915 Also, e.g., T.Ab. 11:5B. 6916 E.g., 4 Bar. 5:28. Cf. John 3:3 , where only the righteous will «see» the kingdom. 6917 E.g., Mark 9:1 ; Heb 2:9; Sib. Or. 1.82 (of Adam); Gen. Rab. 21:5; Lev. Rab. 18:1; Pesiq. Rab. 48:2; «taste death " s cup» in Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 40:23 ; and on Deut 32:1 ; cf. Homer Od. 21.98. A newborn infant who died had merely «tasted life» (IG 14 1607 2171, in Horsley, Documents, 4:40, §12); cf. Longus 1.19; Musonius Rufus 19, p. 122.1. 6918 E.g., Gen 42:2; 43:8; 47:19 ; Num 4:19 ; Deut 33:6; 2 Kgs 18:32; Ps 118:17 ; Ezek 18:17, 21, 28; 33:15 ; L.A.B. 23:10. 6919 Cf. Philo Abraham 51–55; 4 Macc 16:25; Ecc1. Rab. 9:5, §1. In other Jewish traditions, the prophets died (cf. also T. Mos. 1:14–15) but their words endure (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 13:3; Pesiq. Rab. 1:2). Of course, the observation that all great people have died and no one will escape this is a natural one (e.g., Lucretius Nat. 3.1024–1052). |
| Kleryk Gow. Seminar. J. Siemaszko. 1817 roku w oktobrze. 2) List do Przyiaciela w którym doczona iest rozmowa, dowodzca, e obyczaie i mowa Oyczysta, pierwszym celem Edukacji bydz powinny. Kochany Przyiacielu! Pod czas wyiazdu moiego z Wilna dla przepdzenia na wsi wakacyinego czasu; przyobiecaem uwiadamia ci o wszystkiem, coby mi si tam przytrafi mogo. Dopeniaic wic przyreczenia, posyam do ciebie ten list z krotkim opisem mieysca i towarzystwa w iakiém zostai; który iesli nie z reczy w sobie zawartey, przynaymniey e od przyiaciela iest pisany, niech od ciebie askawie przyitym bdzie. Donosz ci, e zostai we wsi N.; w mieyscu upikniouym od przyrodzenia wszelkiemi ozdobami, które mog uprzyiemni byt czowieka czuem obdaronego sercem. Lecz to niczem iest, w porownaniu z towarzystwem, którego czonkiem mam honor zostawa. Pan Podstoli dziedzic tey wioski. Pani Podstolina, dwoch ich Synów i Córka; s to soby, których przyiemne i cnotliwe obcowanie, kademu podoba si musi. Pan Podstoli, iest ieden z naylepszych ludzi których kiedy zna mogem. Jego przyiemna prostota, i szczero z iak swe mysli obiawia, uymni obeuicych, osobliwie modych, których umys zdronemi maxymami ieszcze nie napoiony, zdolny iest do przyicia prawdy. Jego nauka wyrownywa szlachetnym uczucim i cnotom Obywatelskim któremi tchnie cay. Rozmowy iego s pene mdrych i gruntownych uwag, które s zdolne kadego nauczy. – Aehym dostateczniey da ci pozna charakter tego zacnego Obywatela, przytocz iedn iego rozmow którey dnia wczorayszego byem przytomny. – Przed kilk dniami, przyby tu Pan Staroscic (Przyiaciel Pana Podstolego, z którym si od dawnego czasu nie widzia) z dwoma synami i ich guwernerem. Po przybyciu tych gosci, kompania nasza zyskaa wprawdzie na liczbie, lecz stracia na tey otwartosci i zaufaniu, która kadego towarzystwa iest dusz: a to dla ronosci ich z naszym charakterów. Z tern wszystkiem Pan Podstoli swoiemi rozmowami nie przestawa nas uczy i razem zabawia. Dnia wczorayzego gdy z Panem Podstolim i Panem Staroscicem znaydowaem si na przechadzce, nastepuica midzy niemi wszcza si rozmowa: |
| Równie z nami czci i wzywa przebogosawion Pann Bogarodzic i Switych, razem z Chrystusem w niebie pannicych; z nami szanuie swite relikwie, i switym obrazom oddaie cze, która si do samych odnosi Switych. Z nami si modli, czyni iamnny i przynosi ofiary za wiernych, w iednosci z Kocioem zmarych, wierc niewtpliwie, i przez to dusze ich mog otrzyma ulg w mkach, które winni s ieszcze Boskiey sprawiedliwosci. Zna, równie iak i my, i Kocioowi dana iest od Chrymtusa wadza stanowi prawa, którym wszyscy wierni powodowa si obowizani, iakowe iest wite prawo o poscie i wstrzemizliwosci od misa w niektóre od koscioa oznaczone czasy. Nie wyliczaic nakoniec wszystkich wspólnych nam z Rossianami artykuów wiary: z nami Rossianie Pismo Swite i Koscielne podanie za niewtpliwy fundament wiary przyimui; z nami,iedyny Katolicki widomy Koscio za naywyszego i niemylnego w reczach, do wiary odnoszcych si, sdziego przyznai; z nami wreszcie wyznai, i zewntrz iedyney Switey Katolickiey i Apostolskiey Cerkwie nikt zbawienia spodziewa si nie moe. Jeeli za krom koscielney iednosci nie masz nadziei zbawienia, iak nas Pismo swite i nieprzerwane naucza podanie; ieeli Pawe aposto kótnie i kacerstwa kadzie w rdzie grechów, od posiadania królewstwa niebieskiego ludzi wyczaicych; ile starania Chrzescanie przyoy nie powinni, aeby, wszelkie przeszkody uprztnwszy, do zupeney zgody midzy sob przyszli! Jiakie znaydui si przeszkody, dla którychby Chrzesciastwo nie mogo oglda tak podanego Kocioa Rossyiskiego z Rymskim zjednoczenia? – ledwie niektóre punkta, do zwyczaiu nalece. Lecz zwyczaje w rozmaitych czciach Koscioa rozmaite bydz mog bez nadwerenia iednosci. W wielu stronach, mówi S. Firmilian: – podug rozmaitosci mieysc rozmaite znaydui si zwyczaie, dla tego iednak iedno i pokóy Katolickiego Koscioa nigdy nie byy zamieszane. To samo obszerniey wyraa S. Augustyn w liscie 36 do Kasu. – W rzeczy samey, do nieszczsliwych Ceruariusza czasów, Wschód z Zachodem, pomimo rozmaitosci których si trzymali zwyczaiów, zostaway w pokoiu i zgodzie; w samych nawet Rymski obrdek utrzymuicych stronach rozmaite zachowui si zwyczaie; wszyscy Grecy, nanowo z nami poczeni, dawnego trzymai si obrdu; Rossyiski te Koscio moe niezbronie zachowa swóy obrd i sprawowa podug ego nayswitsz oflar na kwasnym chlebie, byleby przeciwnego zwyczaiu nie nagania, a poswicanie podug aciskiego obrdku we mszy przasników za zupen oflar wyznawa, równie iak wyznai Teofllakt, Dymetryusz Komatyn, Jan, biskup Cypryiski, Barlaam, Grzegor Protosynge i inni sawni nauk i rozsdkiem Grecy. |
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