| 3). 1827 Indeed, Lucian criticizes historians who praise their own leaders while slandering the other side as engaging merely in panegyric (History 7). 1828 A historian who focuses on what is negative about a character can be accused of malice, unless this is necessary for the telling of the story (Plutarch Malice of Herodotus 3, Mor. 855C). Some characters are wholly good or evil, but most are more believable. 1829 Similarly, in fictitious epic poetry, one could allow some tragic tension through a partly good character like Amphinomus (Homer Od. 18.119–156, 412–421), though as one of the suitors he remained basically bad and destined for death (18.155–156). Aristotle advised that characterization was important for the plot (Poet. 15, 1454a), that characters should be appropriate (Poet. 15.4) and match traditions known about them (Poet. 15.5). He also advised consistency of the character throughout the presentation, but this need not require flat characters, for some characters were known to be inconsistent, so one must simply consistently portray the characters inconsistency (15.6). John " s characters, however, are sometimes flatter, theological representatives of the realm «above» (especially Jesus) or of «the world.» «The Jews» in the Fourth Gospel are often a flat composite character, representing the evil attitudes of the world. 1830 At the same time, the matter should not be overstated. 1831 John normally has no more than two or three speaking characters in a scene, following the staging rules of Greek drama, and this necessitates composite characters functioning as a chorus. 1832 Nevertheless, Greek drama sometimes divided its choruses for various responses, and John employs the same liberty. The Jewish people at the feasts were usually divided in their responses to Jesus (7:12, 26, 31, 41, 43; 10:19–21 ), 1833 and even the Judean elite proved divided (9:16; 12:42–43). Further, John shifts the responsibility for Jesus» final rejection in the Gospel from the crowds (as in the traditional passion narrative) to the Judean elite (19:6). |
| 7888 E.g., Homer ft 8.75–77, 133, 145–150, 167–171; 15.377, 379; 17.594–596; Valerius Maximus 1.6.12; Silius Italicus 12.623–625; cf. Pindar Nem. 9.25; armies facing lightning sometimes persuaded themselves, however, that it was not an omen (e.g., Silius Italicus 12.627–629; Plutarch Alex. 60.2). In Israel, see 1Sam 2:10; 7:10 ; Isa 29:6; perhaps Judg 5:20 ; cf. judgment in Sib. Or. 4.113; 5.302–303. 7889 E.g„ Homer Od. 20.101, 103; 21.413; Virgil Aen. 7.141–142; 8.523–526; 9.630–631; Pindar Pyth. 4.197–200; Silius Italicus 15.143–145; Ovid Fasti 3.369; Cicero Cat. 3.8.18; cf. Parthenius LR. 6.6; Catullus 64.202–206; in Jewish tradition, see Exod 19:19; 1Sam 12:17–18 ; Sir 46:16–17 ; cf. 1 Kgs 18:36–38,44. In heavenly visions, cf. ΙΕη. 14:8; 17:3; 69:23; 3 En. 29:2; PGM 4.694–696. 7894 E.g., Homer II. 3.276, 320, 350,365; 10.154; 11.56, 80,182,201, 544; 16.253; 17.46; Od. 14.440; 15.341; 16.260; 24.518; Hesiod Op. 169; Euripides Medea 1352; Aristophanes Clouds 1468–1469. 7895 Homer I1. 1.544; 4.68; 5.426; 8.49, 132; 12.445; 15.12, 47; 16.458; 20.56; 22.167; Od. 1.28; Hesiod Theog. 457, 468, 542; Scut. 27; Op. 59; Diodorus Siculus 1.12.1 (following Homer); Ovid Metam. 2.848; 14.807; Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.12; Phaedrus 3.17.10. 7898 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.40; 1.9.4–7; 1.13.3–4; 3.22.82; Diogenes Laertius 7.147; Acts 17:28. 7899 Plutarch Plat. Q. 2.1, Mor. 1000E; Alexander 15 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D; Γ.Τ. 8.1.3, Mor. 718A; Babrius 142.3; Orphic Hymns 15.7; PGM 22b.l-5 (Jewish); other deities in Martial Epigr. 10.28; Orphic Hymns 4.1; 12.6. «Adonai» is «Father of the World» in PGM 1.305 (apparently as Apollo, 1.298). For the common usage in Philo, see documentation in comment on John 1:12 . 7900 Virgil Aen. 1.60; 3.251; 4.25; 6.592; 7.141, 770; 8.398; 10.100; 12.178; Ovid Metam. 1.154; 2.304,401; 3.336; 9.271. 7901 Homer Il. 8.69,245,397; 14.352; 15.637; 16.250; 22.60,209; Od. 12.63; 13.51; Virgil Aen. 2.691; Georg. 1.121, 283, 328, 353; 2.325; Orphic Hymns 19.1. The deity is in a number of cases «father» as «creator» or progenitor (e.g., Sophocles Ajax 387; Epictetus Diatr. 1.3.1; Marcus Aurelius 10.1; see further documentation in comment on John 3:3 ); most of the Latin references above are to pater, but Jupiter is also called genitor, e.g., Virgil Aen. 12.843. No henotheism is in view; sometimes «father Zeus» is listed alongside Athene and Apollo (e.g., Homer Od. 4.340; 7.311; 17.132; 18.235; 24.376). |
| 6360 Cf. Germanicus " s praise in Dio Cassius 57.18.6; cf. Anderson, Glossary, 125 (citing Rhet. Ad Herenn. 4.63). 6361 E.g., Apollonius of Rhodes 1.307–311 ; 3.443–444. 6362 E.g., Pythagoras (Aulus Gellius 1.9.2; Iamblichus V.P. 17.71); 4Q185 1 2.7–8; 4Q186 1 1.5–6; 2 1.3–4; 4Q561. 6363 Homer I1. 3.167; Od. 1.207, 301; 3.199; 9.508; 10.396; Aristotle Rhet. 1.5.13, 1361b; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Plutarch Lycurgus 17.4; Chariton 2.5.2; Herodian 4.9.3; 6.4.4; Artapanus in Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.37. If the Shroud of Turin should prove authentic, however (see Borkan, «Authenticity»), it would testify that Jesus was, after all, perhaps a head taller than his contemporaries. 6364 Homer Od. 13.289; 15.418; 18.195; Plutarch D.V33, Mor. 568A; Longus 2.23; Achilles Tatius 1.4.5; Jos. Asen. 1:4–5/6–8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 17:6. 6365 Agamemnon was a head taller than Odysseus, but the latter had a broader chest (Homer 17. 3.193–194) and is «tall» in Homer Od. 6.276; 8.19–20. Cf. Cornelius Nepos 17 (Agesilaus), 8.1. 6366 Malherbe, «Description,» comparing Augustus, Heracles, and Agathion. Some of the apparently unflattering features become conventional as early as Homer " s depictions of Odysseus; the «small of stature» observation (Acts Paul 3:3; Paul and Thecla 3) fits his Latin name (Paulus, small). 6367 Drury, Design, 29. 6368 Aristotle Po1. 3.7.3, 1282b; Rhet. 1.6.10, 1362b; Theon Progymn. 9.20; Jdt 8:7; 10:7; cf., e.g., Plato Charm. 158C; Chariton 2.1.5; 3.2.14; 5.5.3; 5.5.9; 6.1.9–12; 6.6.4; Athenaeus Deipn. 13.608F; Sir 36:22 ; t. Ber. 6:4; but cf. Plutarch Bride 24–25, Mor. 141CD; Prov 6:25; 31:30 ; Sir 9:8; 11:2; 25:21 . 6369 Sextus Empiricus Eth. 3.43 recognizes that various peoples defined beauty according to their own cultures. 6370 Homer Il. 1.197; Euripides E1. 515, 521–523; Hipp. 220, 1343; Iph. au1. 758, 1366; Here. fur. 993; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.1084; 3.829; 4.1303, 1407; Virgil Aen. 4.590; 10.138; Ovid Metam. 9.715. 6371 Homer Il. 19.282; Od. 4.14; Aristophanes BirdslU; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.676; Virgil Aen. 4.558; Ovid Metam. 11.165; Apuleius Metam. 5.22. |
| wygody Dusz Ludskich – erygowae – iakoz oznaczywszy grunt na Cerkow na gure pod Gaykem przy sadzie Dworskim poczowszy od samey nlicy az do Gayku, od Gaiku az do Mogilek, – z drewa wybudowaé kazaé zabieramsie, take y dla kapana pae dla pomieszkania. to iest, budynkow stodol i na tyme gruncie przy Cerkwie od Gayku wydzieam ogrod nazuaczywszy z gory od Cerkwie a nado niey – idey, od nliey poezyimicysie a konézanysie u samych Mogilek, tak iaksie ma zdawna wezer w sobie. Dla sustentacyi zas Kaplona przy tey Cerkwie teraz у napotym hducego wieczuerai casy nadaie we trzy rce pola, – pierwsze znaydaiqcejsie w Buhrynach midzy Paskiemi anami na dui piçé gospodarakich orania, drugie znaydniçcesie pod czaszczem na dni piçé oranie – nzecie znaydniocesie na Zalasia take midzy Panskiemi anami na dni etery orania Pingem dobrym: Sianoe w Lopuchach wydzicklam z Panskey sianoçci na kosarzow dobrych dwanascie. Iako as chcé y zadm po mnie y snesessorach moich aeby ta Erekcyia moia wieeznemi czasy Cerkwie Michalkowieckey nienaruszenie sluyla, tak pilnie prezstrzegam, aby Kaplan przy tey Cerkwie ternz y napotym bdocy do adnych z tych gruntow powinnoséi podatkow y eiarow tak dwoiskich, iako y gromadzkich nienaleal, od Ardy y lutrat (доходов) karszemnych, od dziesiciny pszelcelney y ocszkowego byl wolny, у owszem wszelkemi wolnoselami stanowi Duchownemu przyzwoitemi zaszazezycalsie pilnie przestrzegam; – у luboby gdzie nastronie tranki (напитка) bral tedy aby ani ode Dzwaru oto, ani ob Ardorza farhowany ninbyi; deklarni – ze wsi Michalkowiec (poniewn dla szezuposei Lanow panskich szeuplo wydzieliam pola dla sustentacyi Kapana) od parochian Michalkowieckich dziesicine naznáezam y daé co rok przykaznie, z czetwertyny iedney, – snopow pietnnasie tak oziminy iako y iarzyny; ze wsi Czerniechowa od parochian Czeniechowskich – z pulwoloki iedney pai kopé braé pozwalam tak ozirniny iako y iarzyny w wieene ezazy, – a W. O. Prezbiter Michlkowiecky iuz swoim sumptem powinen Diaka do tey Cerkwie conserwowae; take Kaplanowi Michalkowieckiemu subote puszezam na swoie w mlynie Michlkowiekim bez adney przcókody od Dworu y Aredarza bez miarki у ezerhy: co sie tyeze kollacyi tey Cerkwie pramwo t mnie y saccessorom Dobr tych rezerwai y oznaczam. |
| 7223 Sanders, Judaism, 461–64. He cites Let. Aris. 112–113 and Philo Spec. Laws. 1.133, but both texts speak of the people as a whole, and both derive from Egypt, where Jewish shepherds are known in the Ptolemaic period (CPJ 1:15). He could also have cited an apologetic work that does not mind mentioning that Israelites were once shepherds (Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.91; cf. Gen 46:32; 47:3 ); but past and present shepherds appeared differently: without changing the general aristocratic view of shepherds, some imperial texts romantically idealized (and distorted) the rustic past of the republic (e.g., Virgil " s Eclogues). 7224 MacMullen, Relations, 15; see further pp. 1–2 (citing Marcus Aurelius Epistula ad Frontonem 35; Lucian Ignorant Book Collector 3). Epictetus Diatr. 2.9.3 uses sheep as a symbol of carnality. 7227 Before the Israelite period, see especially the Sumerians; for Israel and the ancient Near East, see, e.g., Bruce, Time, 49; for Egypt, see Kügler, «König»; Manetho Aegyptiaca book 2, dynasties 15–17, frg. 43,45,47–49. 7228 Anacharsis Ep. 7, to Tereus; Greek writers about Persian warrior-rulers, Aeschylus Persians 74–75; Xenophon Cyr. 8.2.14; applied to generals (Silius Italicus 7.123–127) and guiding philosophers (Eunapius Lives 464); shepherds could also view erotic love as a shepherd (Longus 3.12; 4.39). See further Koester, «Spectrum,» 14. 7230 Compare Homer Od. 4.291 (ruler) with 4.24 (shepherd). It could also apply to usurpers (4.532). 7231 Homer Il. 4.296; 8.81; 10.73; 11.370, 842; 13.411; 16.2; 19.386; 23.389; Od. 17.109; 18.70; 24.456. The expression is sometimes equivalent to «captains of the people» (Il. 11.465). 7233 Homer I1. 2.85, 243, 254; 4.413; 7.230; 10.3; 11.202; 19.35, 251; 24.654; Od. 3.156; 14.497; Xenophon Mem. 3.2.1. For Atreus, Homer Il. 2.105; for Menelaus, Homer Od. 4.24. 7235 See further, e.g., Hesiod Astron. frg. 4; Sophocles Oed. tyr. 444; Oed. co1. 199–201; Ant. 989–990; Plutarch Bride 6, Mor. 139A. 7236 Hesiod Op. 202–211. For earlier animal fables, see, e.g., Ahiqar 120–122 (saying 36); 118–120 (saying 35). |
| 6993 Stibbe, «Elusive,» finds sources for Jesus» escapes, linguistic elusiveness, etc., in Wisdom, Isaian, and Markan traditions. 6994 Cf.,e.g., Appian R.H. 4.6. 6995 E.g., Aristophanes Ach. 390; Sophocles frg. of Inachus 8, 26 (Sei. Pap. 3:24–25); Apollo-dorus 2.4.2. 6996 E.g., Homer I1. 16.788–789; 17.551–552; Ovid Metam. 12.598–599; Silius Italicus 9.488. They could also escape by flying over walls (Euripides Bacch. 655, reflecting staging limitations). 6997 E.g., Homer I1. 3.381; 5.23, 344–345; 20.321,443–446; 21.597–598; 24.334–338; Od. 7.14–17, 41–42; 13.189–193; Sophocles Ajax 70, 83–85; Euripides Helen 44–45; Iph. taur. 27–30; Orest. 1629–1636; Apollonius of Rhodes 3.210–213; 4.647–648; Virgil Aen. 1.411–414,439–440; 12.52–53, 416; Ovid Metam. 5.621–624; 12.32–34; 15.538–539; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 4.16; Apollodorus 3.6.8; Silius Italicus 9.484–485. Mist was also used to conceal horses (Homer Il. 5.776; 8.50) or to rape mortals (Apollonius of Rhodes 1.218; cf. Ovid Metam. 1.601–606); transformations also concealed mortals (Homer Od. 16.454–459; Ovid Metam. 8.851–854, 872–874); cf. temporary invulnerability (Apollodorus 1.9.23). 6998 Mortals could not even render themselves visible again until the deities wished (Virgil Aen. 1.579–581, 586–587; cf. Homer Od. 7.143; 13.352; 16.167–179). 6999 Virgil Aen. 9.657–658. 7000 As in b. Sanh. 98a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; Num. Rab. 11:2; Ruth Rab, 5:6; Song Rab. 2:9, §3; Pesiq. Rab. 15:10; Tg. Mic. on 4:8. Also note the more general hidden Messiah expectation in 1 En. 62:7; 4 Ezra 13:52; Justin Dia1. 8.4; cf. Barnard, Justin, 46–47; Shotwell, Exegesis, 72; Higgins, «Belief,» 300; Ford, Revelation, 191: See also comment on 7:27. 7001 Rabbis understood the tabernacles celebrated at this feast as recalling the clouds of glory (Rubenstein, «Sukkah»). 7002 Though Jer 43LXX prefers a more ambiguous passive κατεκρβησαν, perhaps allowing construal as a divine passive but also allowing readers to avoid the Hellenistic connotations with regard to deities or magicians more widely circulated in the time of this translation. |
| 10576 Also 1 En. 87:2; 90:31–33; 2Macc 3:26; 11:8; Jannes and Jambres fragments in P.Beatty 16; cf. the exception in late Pesiq. Rab. 20:4. 10577 Also 1 En. 71:1; cf. Adam in Gen. Rab. 20:12. For angels» beauty, see also Liv. Pro. 16.2 (Malachi) (Greek §23: ed. Schermann, 73). 10578 Jos. Asen. 10:8–9/10; 14:12; Isaeus Estate of Nicostratus 7; Lysias Or. 13.40, §133; Euripides Alc. 216, 427; Aristophanes Frogs 1337; Ovid Metam. 8.777–778; Valerius Maximus 1.7.7; Seneca Controv. 10.1.1, 4; Plutarch Alex. 49.3; Apollodorus Epitome 1.7, 10; Silius Italicus 11.257–258; Valerius Maximus 2.4.5; Philostratus Hrk. 31.9; 53.9, 11, 17; Herodian 4.2.3; Dupont, Life, 260; death is regularly dark (e.g., Homer I1. 5.22, 47, 310; cf. Homer Od. 11.32–33; death as «black» in Statius Thebaid 4.528; the Styx in Lycophron Alex. 705; see further the comment on 1:4–5). 10579 E.g., p. Roš Haš. 1:3, §27; Ovid Tristia 5.5.8; hence the burial clothes of the righteous (L.A.B. 64:6; cf. T. Ab. 20:10A; L.A.E. 48.1; Apoc. Mos. 40.1–3; b. Ber. 18b; cf. Plutarch R.Q. 26, Mor. 270DE). Gregory the Great Homilies 21 opined that the angel came in white because of joy (Oden and Hall, Mark, 243). But people might prefer either white or dark wool (Seneca Nat. 3.25.4). 10580 Culpepper, John, 85 (on the scenes in ancient literature, see 72–77; in lohn " s Gospel, 77–86). 10581 Homer I1. 4.86–87, 121–124; 5.127–128, 177, 183, 191, 461–162; 5.604, 784–785; 7.58–59; 13.43–45, 69, 215–216, 356–357; 14.136; 16.715–720, 788–789; 17.71–73, 322–326, 551–555, 582–583; 20.79–81; 21.284–286, 599–611; Od. 1.420; 2.267–268, 382–387, 399–401; 4.417–18; 6.21–22; 7.19–20; 8.8, 193–194; Virgil Aen. 1.314–315, 402–406, 657–660; 5.618–620, 645–652; 7.415–416; 9.646–652, 657–658; 12.784–785; Georg. 4.405–414, 440–442; Ovid Metam. 1.676; 11.241–246, 633–643; 14.765–771; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Achilles Tatius 2.15.4; Apollodorus 2.4.8; 3.8.2; 3.10.7; 3.12.6; 3.13.5; Silius Italicus 7.422–425,435; Eunapius Lives 468; for ghosts, cf. Philostratus Hrk. 21.1 (the closest parallel to lohn 20:14–16 is Hrk. 21.5–6, it but may be derivative). They could also disguise the appearance of mortals (e.g., Homer Od. 13.397–399) and become invisible (Homer II. 5.845). |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 2501 E.g., Homer Il. 2.512; see esp. Heracles (Epictetus Diatr. 3.26.31; Grant, Gods, 68–69). 2502 E.g., Homer Il. 4.489; 16.49, 126, 707; Od. 10.456 (MSS), 488, 504; 11.60, 92, 405, 473, 617; 13.375; 14.486; 16.167; 18.312; 22.164; 23.305; 24.542. For divinity in this figurative sense, Aeschylus Supp1. 980–982. 2503 E.g., Homer Il. 4.358. 2504 Homer I1. 17.34,238,685,702; 21.75; 23.581; 24.553,635,803; Od. 4.26,44,63,138,156,235, 291, 316, 391, 561; 5.378; 10.266,419; 15.64, 87,155, 167, 199; 24.122. The title was often bestowed cheaply (Od. 22.136), but sometimes applied to a deity (I1. 21.223). 2505 Ramsay, Cities, 143. 2506 Hengel, Son of God, 25. Cf. Dionysus in Euripides Bacch. 417. 2507 Smith, Magician, 101; Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 6,168–69. Smith " s thesis (which may reflect a particular theological bias, as Neusner [New Testament, 5, 173; «Foreword,» xxvii] suggests) would bear more weight were there not so many other uses of the term with significantly better claims. Cf. Diogenes Laertius 8.2.62: Empedocles» healing powers revealed that he was an immortal god. 2508 Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 189; see further on the «divine man,» pp. 268–72, above. 2509 Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.6; cf. Diogenes Laertius 6.2.77, of Diogenes. Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 189 provides a list of Greek men thought to be gods. 2510 E.g., Virgil Aen. 6.792; C7L 11.365; IGRR 3.137; ILS 84; 8781; OGIS 532; SEG 11.923; and other inscriptions in Sherk, Empire, 5, 7, 11, 13, 20, 31, 57–59; inscription in Deissmann, Light, 346–47. 2511 E.g., inscription in Sherk, Empire, 115 (IG II-2, 3277); inscription in Deissmann, Light, 347; cf. the sarcasm in Sib. Or. 5.140. 2512 E.g., inscription in Sherk, Empire, 200 (OGIS 701). 2513 Cf. the popular Germanicus, Se1. Pap. 2.76–77, lines 1–2, 31–32 (19 C.E.). 2514 Arrian Alex. 7.29.3; Diodorus Siculus 17.51.1–2; Dio Chrysostom Or. 32.95; Alexander 15 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D (the Loeb note and Aune, Prophecy, 69, also cite Plutarch Alex. 27.5–11); Plutarch Alex. 2.2–3.2; 28.1 (though Plutarch thinks Alexander allowed the belief only as a political tool, 28.3); also known by Egyptian Jewry in the centuries immediately surrounding the birth of Christianity (Sib. Or. 5.7; 11.197–198; 12.7); for the Persian king, see Aeschylus Persians 157. |
| 941 So also Bruns, Art, 24–25. Bruce, Documents, 55–56, provides suggestions for harmonizing this with the chronology of the Synoptics. We may leave aside from consideration for the moment Eileen Guilding " s proposed liturgical structure based on readings from the triennial cycle, which takes matters too far. 942 Its unity in this sense is accepted even by those who recognize redactions and displacements, e.g., MacGregor, John, xli. Ellis, Genius, develops a unity based on parallelism rather than narrative, following cues from John Gerhard " s dissertation (ix, 12); although his development of chiastic parallelism in the Fourth Gospel is brilliant, it remains more convincing in some texts than in others, and not convincing overal1. 946 Robinson, «Prologue,» 120; Parker " s citation is from «Two Editions of John,» JBL 75 (1956): 304, which Robinson also cites in Trust, 83. 948 E.g., Dunn, «John,» 299; Smith, John 400. Even an unbroken chain of attributable tradition would be viewed as mostly dependable (e.g., Eunapius Lives 458). 953 E.g., Homer I1. 2.484–492; 16.112–113; Od. 1.1; Battle of Frogs and Mice 1; Hesiod Op. 1; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.1,22; 4.1–2; Virgil Aen. 1.8; 9.525–529; [Virgil] Cata1. 9.1–2; Ovid Metam. 1.2–3; Callimachus Aetia 1.1.1–38; Musaeus Hero 1; Statius Achilleid 1.9; Pindar Nem. 3.1–5; frg. 150 (in Eustathios Commentary on Iliad 1.1); Valerius Flaccus 1.5–7; 3.15–17; Philostratus Hrk. 43.5–6; for other deities, e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 19.5D-6D; 20.6D; Philostratus Hrk. 25.18. This may suggest whatever comes to the author in proper meter; see Dimock, «Introduction,» 3; cf. Homer Od. 19.138. Cf. a «divine» (θεος) minstrel (Homer Od. 4.17–19). 955 Callimachus Iambi 3.193 complains that inspiration was not as respected as in earlier days, but this may well function as a plea for greater attention (like a scholar today complaining that no one heeds scholarship). 959 Sanders, Figure, 71, suggests that John wrote his entire Gospel on the premise of divine inspiration. |
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