| 4. Современные переводы собрания сочинений и отдельных сочинений Английский: Jerome. Select Works and Letters/Transl. W.H. Freemantle//A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Ser. 2. Vol. 3, 6. N.Y., 1892–1893. Saint Jerome. Dogmatic and polemical Works//Fathers of the Church, 53/Transl. J.N. Hritzu. Washington, 1965. Saint Jerome. The Homilies//Fathers of the Church, 48 and 57/Transl. M.-L. Ewald. Washington, 1948, 1966. A Translation of Jerome’s Chronicon with Historical Commentary/Transl. and ed. M.D. Donaldson. Lewiston, N.Y., 1996. Французский: Œuvres complètes de saint Jérôme/Trad. J. Bareille. Vol. 1–11. Paris, 1878–1885. Labourt J. Saint Jérôme. Lettres. Vol. 1–8. Paris, 1949–1963. Немецкий: Ausgewählte Schriften des hl. Hieronymus. Bd. 1–2/Übers. P. Leipelt. Kempten, 1872–1874. Des hl. Kirchenvaters Eusebius Hieronymus ausgewählte Schriften/Übers. L. Schade. München, 1914–1937. Итальянский: San Girolamo/Trad. U. Moricca. Vol. 1–2. Milano, 1922; S. Hieronymus. Le Lettere/Trad. E. Logi. Vol. 1–3. Siena, 1935–1936. Русский: Творения блаженного Иеронима Стридонского //Труды КДА. Ч. 1–17. Киев, 1863–1903; 1893–19032. Письмо 57. К Паммахию о наилучшем методе перевода/Пер. Н. Холмогоровой//Альфа и Омега, 7 (1995. 4). С. 173–187 (переиздано: Патристика. Н. Новгород, 2001. С. 98–112). Фрагменты из писем (1, 22, 57, 125 и др.), «О знаменитых мужах» (гл. 135)//Памятники средневековой латинской литературы IV–VII вв. М., 1998. С. 97–146. Еврейские вопросы на книгу Бытия/Пер. с лат., предисловие, комментарии С.Ю. Жукова. М.: МДАиС, 2009. 5. Описание рукописей Lambert В. Bibliotheca Hieronymi manuscripta. La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres de Saint Jérôme. Vol. 1–4. Steenbrugge, 1969–1972. 6. Указатели Clavis Patrum Latinorum/Ed. E. Dekkers. Brepols, 1961. 580–642. Frede H.J. Kirchenschriftsteller. Verzeichnis und Sigel. Repertorium scriptorium ecclesiasticorum latinorum saeculo nono antiquiorum sigils adpositis in editione Bibliorum Sacrorum juxta verem latinam versionem adhibentur. Vetus Latina. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1995. Vol. 1. P. 510–532. |
| L. E. DupiN (католик, умер в 1719): Nouvelle Bibliotèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques, contenant l " histoire de leur vie, etc. Par. 1688–1715, 47 vols. 8°, продолжено Coujet, Petit–Didier до XVIII века, с критикой В. Simon, 61 vols., 9 th ed. Par. 1698 sqq.; еще одно, неполное издание – Amstel. 1690–1713, 20 vols. 4°. Remi Ceillier (католик, умер в 1761): Histoire générale des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques. Par. 1729-«63, 23 vols. 4°; новое издание с дополнениями Par. 1858–1865, 14 vols. Более полное и точное, но менее либеральное, чем Дюпен; доходит до середины XIII века. Will. Cave (англиканин, умер в 1713): Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Historia literaria, a Christo nato usque ad saecul. XIV, Lond. 1688–98, 2 vols.; Geneva 1720; Colon. 1722; лучшее издание – Waterland, Oxf. 1740–43, репринт – Basle 1741-»45. Этот труд организован с делением на столетия (saeculum Apostolicum, s. Gnosticum, s. Novatianum, s. Arianum, s. Nestorianum, s. Eutychianum, s. Monotheleticum, etc.). W. Cave: Lives of the most eminent fathers of the church that flourished in the first four centuries. Лучшее издание – пересмотренное, Henry Cary. Oxf. 1840, 3 vols. Chas. Oudin (сначала монах, потом протестант, библиотекарь Лейденского университета, умер в 1717): Commentarius de scriptoribus ecclesiae antiquis illorumque scriptis, a Bellarmino, Possevino, Caveo, Dupin et aliis omissis, ad ann. 1460. Lips. 1722. 3 vols. fol. John Alb. Fabricius («ученейший, подробнейший и полезнейший из библиографов», родился Лейпциге в 1668, профессор красноречия в Гамбурге, умер в 1736): Bibliotheca Graeca, sive notitia scriptorum veterum Graecorum; ed. III. Hamb. 1718-«28, 14 vols.; ed. IV. – G. Chr. Harless, с дополнениями. Hamb. 1790-»1811,12 vols, (незавершенное). Этот великий труд, результат сорока лет работы, охватывает всех греческих авторов до начала XVIII века, но неудобно построен. (Ценное дополнение к нему – S. F. G. Hoffmann: Bibliographisches Lexicon der gesummten Literatur der Griechen. Leipz. 3 vols.), 2 nd ed. 1844-«45. J. A. Fabricius опубликовал также Bibliotheca Latina mediae et infimae aetatis, Hamb. 1734-»46, 6 vols, (дополненный вариант Mansi, Padua 1754, 3 tom.), и Bibliotheca ecclesiastica, Hamb. 1718, 1 vol. fol., содержит также списки церковных авторов, составленные Иеронимом, Геннадием, Исидором, Ильдефонсом, Тритемием (умер в 1515 г.), и другие. |
| Because many people think that Christ’s Church somehow “died out,” or, as even many Protestants believe, that it apostasized during the first century after Christ (as if such a thing were really possible considering Christ’s promise to be with His Church “even unto the end of the ages” (Matt. 25:20), I would like to share with you a glimpse of the early Church as seen in the lives and writings of Holy Fathers, from the time of the Apostles until about 200 A.D. roughly three generations. You can easily verify that what you are about to read is not something I’ve made up; this information can be found in well documented form in any larger library. In fact, I ask you not to take my word for it. Investigate for yourself; take the trouble to be informed about something that affects your very salvation. In his Epistle to the Philippians, St. Paul mentions a “true yoke-fellow” and “fellow-laborer” named “Clement” (Phil.4:3). You might be surprised to learn that history also knows this man; one of his letters is preserved in manuscript form in the British Museum! He is know as St. Clement the Roman. He was martyred in 97 or 98, shortly after the end of Emperor Domitian’s persecution of the Christian Church. His letter is a wonderful witness concerning the existence of Apostolic Succession in the early Church: “The Apostles received the Gospel for us from the Lord Jesus Christ; Jesus Christ was sent forth from God. So then Christ is from God and the Apostles are from Christ. Both therefore came of the will of God in an appointed order. Having therefore received a charge…they went forth with the glad tidings …. Then, preaching everywhere in country and town, they appointed their first-fruits, when they had proved them by the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons unto all those that should believe …. They appointed these persons and then also provided a continuance, that when these should fall asleep, other approved men should succeed to their ministration.” Concerning the need to be obedient to the successors to the Apostles he says: “But if certain persons should be disobedient unto the words spoken by Him through us, let them understand that they will entangle themselves in no small transgression and danger.” |
| The second century saw the further development and expansion of the Christian Faith, and more widespread persecution of the Church by the Roman imperial authorities, for whom Christianity was an “illegal religion.” The Christians were criminals in the eyes of the Romans, not only religiously, but also politically. They transgressed the laws of the state in that they refused to honor the earthly emperor as lord and god, which was required of them as inhabitants of the Empire. The Christians prayed for the civil authorities and gave “honor to whom honor is due” ( Rom.13:1–7 ; 1Tim.2:1–3 ; Mk .12:13–17 ), but they refused to give the earthly king the glory and worship which was due to God, and to his Christ, alone. Thus Roman law declared: It is not lawful to be a Christian. One of the earliest reports about Christianity to appear in non-Christian writings is found in the correspondence between Pliny the Younger, the Roman governor of Bithynia in Asia Minor, and Emperor Trajan (r:98–117). This correspondence reveals that Christianity was indeed proscribed, and though Christians should not be sought out and were innocent of the gross charges against them – such as the sacrifice of children and the eating of human flesh (a misunderstanding of the Eucharist, which was conducted in “secret meetings”) – the Christians nevertheless were to be executed when seized, if they refused to renounce their Faith. The persecution of Christians in the second century was largely localized, occurring sporadically and at varying locations according to what was allowed or authorized by the local imperial authorities. The account of The Martyrs of Vienne and Lyons in Gaul gives a vivid description of one such outbreak of persecution, in about the year 177. Nevertheless, the persecutions were widespread, and the Christians were generally hated even by the most tolerant and open-minded of the Roman rulers. They were despised mostly, it seems, for what was considered their stubbornness and intolerance due to their exclusive devotion to Jesus Christ as Lord. They were persecuted also for what was considered to be the political danger they posed to the unity of the imperial society, especially as their numbers steadily grew. The Apostolic Fathers |
| Textual criticism of the New Testament has achieved outstanding breakthroughs in the 20th century. Currently, there are over 2,328 manuscripts and manuscript fragments in Greek, coming to us from the first three centuries of Christianity. The most ancient New Testament manuscript, a part of the Gospel of John 18:31-33, 37-38, is the Rylands Library Papyrus P52, dated 117-138 in the era of the reign of emperor Hadrian. Adolf Deissmann acknowledges the possibility of the emergence of this papyrus even under the reign of Emperor Trajan (98-117). It is preserved in Manchester. Another ancient New Testament manuscript is the Papyrus Bodmer , P75. The 102 surviving pages contain the texts of the Gospels of Luke and John. " The editors, Victor Martin and Rodolphe Kasser, date this copy to between 175 and 225 A.D. It is thus the earliest surviving known copy of the Gospel according to Luke available today and one of the earliest of the Gospel according to John " (Bruce M. Metzger. The Text of the New Testament. p. 58). This precious manuscript is located in Geneva. Uncial script on parchment: leather codices with uncial script, (in Latin uncia means inch) letters without sharp corners and broken lines. This script is distinguished by its great refinement and precision. Each letter is disconnected. There are 362 uncial manuscripts of the New Testament. The most ancient of these codices (Codex Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, and Alexandrinus) have already been mentioned. Scholars complemented this impressive collection of ancient New Testament manuscripts with the New Testament text, which consisted of 36,286 excerpts of the Holy Scripture of the New Testament found in the works of the holy fathers and teachers of the Church from the first through fourth centuries. This text is lacking only 11 verses. Scholars of textual criticism in the 20th century did a tremendous job on the collation of all—several thousands of—New Testament manuscripts and identified all textual discrepancies caused by scribal error. An evaluation and typologization was performed. Precise criteria for determining a correct variant were established. For those familiar with this rigorous scientific work, it is obvious that allegations of the distortion of the current holy text of the New Testament are unfounded. In terms of the number of ancient manuscripts and the brevity of time separating the earliest surviving text from the original, no one work of antiquity can be compared with the New Testament. |
| Therefore, one can say that the language of the liturgy is a biblical language. For instance, it has been calculated that the text of the Divine Liturgy contains 98 quotations from the Old Testament and 114 from the New Testament . The Word of God ought not only to be read and studied; it has to be heard, meditated and put into practice. Therefore, having in mind that the Holy Scripture was written initially in a liturgical context, and let us say, for the liturgy, the proper place for its proclamation and interpretation should remain within the liturgy, without of course excluding other ways and places for its reading and commentary. In fact, predication, which is intimately linked with the proclamation of the Word of God, remains a constitutive liturgical element. Didactic Aspect of Worship The aim of worship is not only the glorification of God, but also the edification of the people of God. As Metropolitan Kallistos of Diokleia has pointed out in his famous book The Orthodox Church, “Certain doctrines, never formally defined, are yet held by the Church with an unmistakable inner conviction, an unruffled unanimity, which is just as binding as an explicit formulation. ‘Some things we have from written teaching’ said St. Basil, ‘others we have received from the Apostolic Tradition handed down to us in a mystery; and both these things have the same force for piety’. This inner Tradition ‘handed down to us in a mystery’ is preserved above all in the Church’s worship” . In fact, Saint Basil himself used the liturgical texts in his theological disputes: taking the defence of the divinity of the Holy Spirit against the Pneumatomacs on the eve of the Second Ecumenical Council in 381, he made use of the very ancient Christian hymn, O Gentle Light ( Fôs ‘ilaron) which is still sung today daily at Orthodox vespers: “It seemed fitting to our fathers not to receive the gift of the light at eventide in silence, but, on its appearing, immediately to give thanks. Who was the author of these words of thanksgiving at the lighting of the lamps ( tês epiluchniou eucharistias), we are not able to say. The people, however, utter the ancient form, and no one has ever reckoned guilty of impiety those who say ‘We praise Father, Son, and God " s Holy Spirit’ ( ainoumen Patera, kai ‘Uion, kai Pneuma Theou)” . |
| Sophiology has influenced Orthodox cosmological thinking in a peculiar way. The more extravagant speculations about the figure of Sophia have almost no following among Orthodox theologians ; but the underlying longing to reclaim a vision of cosmic unity, of a world shot through with God " s presence, has defined the agenda for modern thought. Long before " eco-theology» became fashionable, Florensky and Bulgakov had responded to the challenge facing Christian cosmology in a scientific and increasingly technological age. It is a challenge taken up by theologians who react strongly against Sophiology, as well as by those such as Paul Evdokimov and (especially) Olivier Clément who are not afraid to use some of its daring images. THE DYNAMISM OF THE WORLD: BUILDING ON MAXIMUS It was the achievement of Orthodox patristic theologians of the twentieth century to reveal in the Church Fathers that vision of cosmic unity and divine presence that Sophiology was looking for, but without blurring the distinction between Creator and creation or introducing new intermediaries. Starting with Georges Florovsky and Vladimir Lossky, modern Orthodox theologians have done much to elucidate the Eastern Fathers» doctrine of creation. They reveal Eastern patristic cosmology as a largely untapped resource, clearly distinguishing it both from medieval Western doctrines (e.g. the created intermediaries of Eriugena) and from the philosophies whose terminology the Greek-speaking Fathers use so freely. Modern theologians are concerned to show how the Fathers» grounding of creation in God " s will, not his essence, safeguards the «splendid newness of creation» as a reality truly distinct from its Creator. 97 It is increasingly emphasised that the notion of logoi in creation by no means ties us to a belief in the fixity of forms such as the Fathers themselves held; indeed, the logoi provide a promising way of thinking about an evolving universe. 98 They are »fixed» in the sense that they are expressions of God " s will which is not fickle. But they are far from static: they give created being its dynamism, precisely because they include what Florovsky calls the «beckoning goal» of creation. Here we come to the paradoxical essence of createdness: it is a condition defined at once by being other than the Creator and by being in relation to him. The truth of creation, its »transcendental entelechy», lies outside its own substance; so the movement most «natural» to it, in the sense of »proper», is to go beyond its own nature. The tension between the nature of creation and its goal leaves «room for creation, construction... reconstruction – not only in the sense of recovering, but also in the sense of generating what is new». 99 |
| 96 The Fourth Gospel, ed. by F.N. Davey. London, 1947, p. 158f. W.F. Albright suggests that the Dead Sea Scrolls show remarkable parallels with the Gospel of John and probably account for the increased emphasis recently placed on the Palestinian-Jewish milieu of Johannine thought and the Palestinian Jewish tradition” (“Recent Discoveries in Palestine and the Gospel of John,” in The Background of the New Testament and Its Eschatology, ed. by W.D. Davies & O. Daube. Cambridge [Eng.], 1956, p. 153f.). Of course, John was living in Palestine and was part of Christ’s public ministry, an eye-witness to His Crucifixion in Jerusalem. He “looked upon” the Risen Lord, “the Word of life” (I John 1:1–2). As a disciple, he was taught theology directly by Jesus, and, in this sense, we may speak of a “Palestinian-Jewish milieu.” This opinion differs with C. Bigg who is virtually certain “that St John acquired from Alexandria that conception of the Word, which first brought Christian theology within the sphere of metaphysics,” albeit “not necessarily from Philo” (The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, p. 50). 97 The Fourth Gospel, p. 159. Pollard writes that the purpose of the Gospel is ( John 20:31 ) “that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that believing you may have life in His name” (Johannine Christology and the Early Church, p. 64). 98 In the preface (vii) to The Philosophy of the Church Fathers, Wolfson argues that “Philonic problems” developed into “Patristic problems.” Thus, with regard to the Logos in the New Testament Scriptures, he maintains that “when the Pauline conception of the preexistent Christ, which is of non-Philonic origin, was given by John the name of Logos, which has a Philonic origin, the development of the doctrine of the Trinity and of the Incarnation was either in accordance with the Philonic conception of the Logos or in departure from the Philonic conception of the Logos.” Even denying the divine origin of Christianity, as Wolfson does, his thesis would be open to serious objection. |
| Fr. John Behr F. L. Cross, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3 rd ed. by E. A. Livingstone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), s.v. P. Lampe, Die stadtromischen Christen in den ersten beiden Jahrhunderten (Tubingen: Mohr, 1989), argues for the for the emergence of monepiscopacy in the time of Victor (189-98); A. Brent, Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century: Communities in Tension before the Emergence of a Monarch-Bishop (Leiden: Brill, 1995), places the crucial period in the first half of the third century. R. Stark, “E Contrario,” Journal of Early Christian Studies, 6.2 (1998), 261. The Letter to Diognetus, 5.5, ed. and trans. by K. Lake, The Apostolic Fathers, vol. 2, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1976). St Gregory Palamas, “Topics of Natural and Theological Science and on the Moral and Ascetic Life: One Hundred and Fifty Texts,” 78, in The Philokalia, vol. 4, trans. G. E. H. Palmer, P. Sherrard, & K. Ware (London: Faber and Faber, 1995). Cf. J. Behr, “The Word of God in the Second Century,” Pro Ecclesia. Frances Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 57 Ibid. 167. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 1.19, ed. and trans. by E. Evans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972). Northrop Frye, The Great Code: The Bible and Literature (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982), 61. Tertullian, Against the Valentinians, 4; trans. in Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 3 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989). On the difficulty of the category of “Gnosticism”, see Michael A. Williams, Rethinking “Gnosticism”: An Argument for the dismantling of a Dubious Category (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). Cf. Jacqueline A. Williams, Biblical Interpretation in the Gnostic Gospel of Truth from Nag Hammadi, SBL Diss. 79, (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1988). Fragment G, from Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 6.52.3-4; trans. in B. Layton, The Gnostic Scriptures: Ancient Wisdom for the New Age (New York: Doubleday, 1987), 243; my insertions, following D. Dawson, Allegorical Readers and Cultural Revision in Ancient Alexandria (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 167. |
| «Redemption or deification? Nicholas Kavasilas and Anselm " s question «Why did God become Man?»‘ in J. Hadjinicolaou (ed.), Synaxis: An Anthology of the Most Significant Orthodox Theology in Greece Appearing in the Journal Synaxi from 1982 to 2002, vol. I (Montreal: Alexander Press, 2006), pp. 79–98. Nesteruk, A., Light from the East: Theology, Science and the Eastern Orthodox Tradition, Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2003. Nichols, A., Light from the East: Authors and Themes in Orthodox Theology, London: Sheed and Ward, 1995. Theology in the Russian Diaspora: Church, Fathers, Eucharist in Nikolai Afanas " ev 1893–1966, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Osborne, B., Bishop of Sergievo, «Beauty in the Divine and in nature», Sourozh 70 (November 1997), 28–37. Ouspensky, L., Theology of the Icon, 2 vols., trans. A. Gythiel with E. Meyendorff, Crestwood, NY: SVS Press, 1992. Ouspensky, L. and Lossky, V., The Meaning of Icons, Crestwood, NY: SVS Press, 1983. Papadakis, A., with Meyendorff, J., The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy, Crestwood, NY: SVS Press, 1994. Papanikolaou, A., Being with God: Trinity, Apophaticism, and Divine-Human Communion, Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006. »Byzantium, Orthodoxy and democracy», Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71.1 (March 2003), 75–98. Papathanasiou, A. N., Future, the Background of History: Essays on Church Mission in an Age of Globalization, Montreal: Alexander Press, 2005. «Reconciliation: the major conflict in post-modernity. An Orthodox contribution to a missiological dialogue», Sobornost 28.1 (2006), 8–20. »Theological challenges facing the Church of Greece», Koinonia, The Journal of the Anglican and Eastern Churches Association, n.s. 49 (Summer 2004), 11–20. Parry, K., Depicting the Word. Byzantine Iconophile Thought of the Eighth and Ninth Centuries, Leiden, New York and Cologne: Brill, 1996. (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to Eastern Christianity, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. |
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