| The early Christian period is marked by the multitude of female martyrs who – even with their blood – helped the message of Christianity reach contemporary society. In the New Testament ( Lk. 8.2–3 ) we encounter references to women as sponsoring patrons of the early missionary efforts of Christianity. Priscilla and Aquila, a notable couple within the Pauline circle, probably sustained in a most decisive way the activity of St. Paul. The earliest reference to a deaconess is encountered in the Pauline Epistle to the Romans (16.1) and refers to Phoebe, a young sister from Kenchreae (near Corinth) whom Paul commends to the Romans. In the same chapter of his epistle, Paul refers to another nine women out of a whole of twenty-four notable people mentioned; among them, the above-mentioned Priscilla, the scholarly missionary and patron of the churches in Corinth and Ephesus. The notable female disciple Junia (mentioned together with Andronicus) is explicitly referred to as an Apostle; and she along with many other women (such as the explicitly named Mary, Tryphosa, Tryphaena, Persis, and so on) recall for us the early, apostolic, Christian environment where women played a vital role in the life of the church and its proclamatory mission. It seems that the role of the deaconess designated an ordained member of the church with specific duties and obligations. Sixty-four inscriptions from the Eastern Roman Empire testify to the existence of ordained deaconesses, while a few others refer to female presbyters (the meaning of which is not entirely clear). Part of the body of Christian texts which did not find their way into the New Testament, such as the apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla, recount the fascination of the young betrothed virgin who for three days and three nights, without eating or drinking, remained fastened to the window like a spider listening to the words of Paul (Kraemer 1988; Lipsius and Bonnet 1891). According to the Acts, Thecla followed Paul and when thrown to the lions she was miraculously saved. |
| Maximus of Tyre Or. Maximus of Tyre Oration Megillah Me c i1. Me c ilah Mekilta (ed. Lauterbach) c Amalek Bahodeš Bešallah Neziqin Šabbata Štrata Vayassá Menah. Menahot 2 Cited first by OTP reference, then by the enumeration in Schermann " s Greek text. Mid. Middot Midr. Pss. Midrash on Psalms (Tehillim) MiqwáOT Móed Qat. Móed Qatan some manuscripts Masoretic Text Murat. Canon Muratorian Canon note(s) New American Standard Bible New English Bible Nedarim Nega c im Nehemiah Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece, Nestle-Aland Neziqin The Nag Hammadi Library in English. Edited by James M. Robinson. San Francisco, 1977 Niddah NIDNTT New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology. Edited by C. Brown. 4 vols. Grand Rapids, 1975–1985 Nin. Rom. The Ninus Romance (see Longus in bibliography) New International Version Novum Testamentum New Revised Standard Version New Series New Testament New Testament Studies Numbers Num. Rab. Numbers Rabbah Odes So1. Odes of Solomon Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae " Oha1. " Ohalot Oration Origen Against Celsus Comm. Jo. Commentary on John Comm. Matt. Commentary on Matthew Hom. Exod. Homilies on Exodus Old Testament Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Edited by J. H. Charlesworth. 2 vols. Garden City, N.Y., 1983–1985 Heroides Metam. Metamorphoses Palestinian (Jerusalem) Talmud parallel, paragraph(s) Parthenius Love Romance Paul and Thecla Acts of Paul and Thecla Pausanias Pausanias Description of Greece P.Beatty Chester Beatty Papyri P.Bour. Papyrus Bouriant P.Cair.Masp. Catalogue des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire: Papyrus grecs d " époque byzantine, vols. 1–3. Edited by J. Maspero P.Cair.Zen. Catalogue des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire: Zenon Papyri, vols. 1–4. Edited by C. C. Edgar P.Co1. Papyrus Columbia Papyri demoticae magicae. Demotic texts in PGM corpus as collated in The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including Demotic Spells. Edited by H. D Betz. Chicago, 1996 P.Eleph. Elephantine Papyri P.Enteux. |
| Throughout the Fourth Gospel, Jesus utters words on a deeper level of meaning, words that can be misconstrued (e.g., 3:3–4; 4:10–11, 14–15; 6:63). Unlike his brothers, Jesus cannot simply go to the feast at any time; his interest in going to the feast is not merely to perform the ritual of attendance but to obey the leading of his Father (see comment on 3:8). He may not deceive them, but he does not begin at the feast the way they had advised: they wanted him to show himself (φανρωσον) and not remain in secret (ev κρπτω, 7:4); here he begins his time in Jerusalem «not openly» (φανερς) but in secret (ν κρπτω, 7:10). That Jesus could blend into the crowds (7:10–11) may implicitly underline the character of his incarnation (1:14). Business documents frequently listed distinctive features in a transactor " s appearance, such as placement of scars. 6358 Far more important, where relevant, ancient biography stressed personal appearance, though it is missing in many ancient biographies. 6359 It was also common (though not essential) to epideictic speeches; 6360 legends and novels also often praised the great beauty of their heroes. 6361 Some ancient teachers even thought that they could determine peoplés character based on their face, form, and the way they carried themselves. 6362 Frequently ancient heroes were taller or more attractive than their contemporaries, inviting respect, among both men ( 1Sam 9:2; 10:23; 16:7, 12 ) 6363 and women; 6364 exceptions did, however, exist. 6365 Even the odd description of Paul in the second-century novel Acts of Paul and Thecla fits the usual pattern of ancient heroic descriptions. 6366 The possibly first-century C.E., lower-class Life of Aesop describes Aesop " s ugliness, «not for its own sake but, as with Socrates, for the spice of contrast it gives to his intellectual elegance.» 6367 Beauty was treated as a natural virtue, 6368 hence the beauty of heroes seems to have been the most common norm, though Jews would undoubtedly have defined that beauty in terms of darker complexion than would have been customary in traditional northern Mediterranean literature. 6369 (Among northern Mediterranean people, most classical heroes 6370 and deities 6371 were blond, which usually characterized beauty [Longus 1.17], and white skin characterized feminine 6372 and occasionally masculine 6373 beauty.) |
| 2000. Vol. 8. N 3. P. 453-459; B ü llesbach C. Das Verhältnis der Acta Pauli zur Apostelgeschichte des Lukas: Darstellung und Kritik der Forschungsgeschichte//Das Ende des Paulus: Historische, theologische und literaturgeschichtliche Aspekte/Hrsg. F. W. Horn. B., 2001. S. 215-237. (BZNW; 106); H ä fner G. Die Gegner in den Pastoralbriefen und die Paulusakten//ZNW. 2001. Bd. 92. N 1. S. 64-77; Wehn B. «Blessed Are the Bodies of Those Who Are Virgins»: Reflections on the Image of Paul in the «Acts of Thecla»//JSNT. 2001. Vol. 79. P. 149-164; Zieme P. Paulus und Thekla in der türkischen Überlieferung//Apocrypha. 2002. Vol. 13. P. 53-62; Mangogna V. Annotazioni sulla lingua degli «Atti di Paolo e Tecla»//Koinonia. Napoli, 2002/2003. Vol. 26/27. P. 179-203; eadem. Commentario agli Atti di Paolo e Tecla: Composizione e trasmissione di un modello narrativo nel cristianesimo delle origini: Diss. Napoli, 2005; Kasser R., Luisier Ph. Le Papyrus Bodmer XLI en édition princeps: L " épisode d " Éphèse des «Acta Pauli» en copte et en traduction//Le Muséon. Louvain, 2004. Vol. 117. N 3/4. P. 281-384; Aageson J. W. The Pastoral Epistles and the Acts of Paul: A Multiplex Approach to Authority in Paul " s Legacy//Lexington Theol. Quarterly. 2005. Vol. 40. N 4. P. 237-248; Aus Liebe zu Paulus?: Die Akte Thekla neu aufgerollt/Hrsg. M. Ebner. Stuttg., 2005; Brennecke H. Ch. Die Anfänge einer Paulusverehrung//Biographie und Persönlichkeit des Paulus/Hrsg. E.-M. Becker, P. Pilhofer. Tüb., 2005. S. 295-305. (WUNT; 187); Johnston S., Poirier P.-H. Nouvelles citations chez Éphrem et Aphraate de la correspondance entre Paul et les Corinthiens//Apocrypha. 2005. Vol. 16. P. 137-147; Streete G. P. C. Authority and Authorship: The Acts of Paul and Thecla as a Disputed Pauline Text//Lexington Theol. Quarterly. 2005. Vol. 40. N 4. P. 265-276; Betz M. Die betörenden Worte des fremden Mannes: Zur Funktion der Paulusbeschreibung in den Theklaakten//NTS. 2007. Vol. 53. N 1. P. 130-145; Snyder G. Acts of Paul: The Formation of a Pauline Corpus. |
| 1949. Vol. 3. N 3. P. 142-162; Devos P. Actes de Thomas et Actes de Paul//AnBoll. 1951. Vol. 69. P. 119-130; Schneemelcher W. Die Acta Pauli: Neue Funde und neue Aufgaben//ThLZ. 1964. Bd. 89. Sp. 241-254; idem. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas und die Acta Pauli//Apophoreta: FS f. E. Haenchen/Hrsg. W. Eltester. B., 1964. S. 236-250. (BZNW; 30); idem. Der getaufte Löwe in den Acta Pauli//Mullus: FS für T. Klauser/Hrsg. A. Striber, A. Hermann. Münster, 1964. S. 316-326. (JAC; Erg.-Bd. 1); Rohde J. Pastoralbriefe und Acta Pauli//Studia Evangelica/Hrsg. F. L. Cross. B., 1968. Bd. 5. S. 303-310. (TU; 103); Howe E. M. Interpretations of Paul in the Acts of Paul and Thecla//Pauline Studies: Essays presented to F. F. Bruce/Ed. D. A. Hagner, M. J. Harris. Exeter, 1980. P. 33-49; Rordorf W. Die Neronische Christenverfolgung im Spiegel der apokryphen Paulusakten//NTS. 1982. Vol. 28. N 3. P. 365-375; idem. Tradition and Composition in the Acts of Thecla: The State of the Question//The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles/Ed. D. R. MacDonald. Decatur (Georgia), 1986. P. 43-52; idem. Nochmals Paulusakten und Pastoralbriefen//Tradition and Interpretation in the New Testament: Essays in Honor of E. E. Ellis/Ed. G. F. Hawthorne, O. Betz. Grand Rapids; Tüb., 1987. P. 319-327; idem. In welchem Verhältnis stehen die apokryphen Paulusakten zur kanonischen Apostelgeschichte und zu den Pastoralbriefen?//Text and Testimony/Ed. T. Baarda et al. Kampen, 1988. P. 225-241; idem. Was wissen wir über Plan und Absicht der Paulusakten?//Oecumenica et Patristica: FS f. W. Schneemelcher/Hrsg. W. A. Bienert e. a. Gen., 1989. S. 71-82; idem. Hérésie et orthodoxie selon la Correspondance apocryphe entre les Corinthiens et l " apôtre Paul// Idem. Lex orandi - lex credendi: Gesamm. Aufsätze zum 60. Geburtstag. Fribourg, 1993. S. 389-431; MacDonald D. R. The Legend and the Apostle: The Battle for Paul in Story and Canon. Phil., 1983; Moda A. Per una biografia Paolina: La lettura di Clemente, il Canone Muratoriana, la Letteratura Apocrifa//Testimonium Christi: Scritti in onore di J. |
| P. 234-280; Peretto E. La Lettera ai Romani cc. 1-8 nell " Adversus Haereses d " Ireneo. R., 1971; Hagner D. A. The Use of the Old and New Testaments in Clement of Rome. Leiden, 1973; Pagels E. H. The Gnostic Paul: Gnostic Exegesis of the Pauline Letters. Phil., 1975; Aland K. Methodische Bemerkungen zum Corpus Paulinum bei den Kirchenvätern des II. Jh.//Kerygma und Logos: Beiträge zu den geistesgeschichtlichen Beziehungen zwischen Antike und Christentum: FS C. Andersen/Hrsg. A. M. Ritter. Gött., 1979. S. 29-48; Dassmann E. Der Stachel im Fleisch: Paulus in der frühchristlichen Literatur bis Irenäus. Münster, 1979; Jervell J. Paul in the Acts of the Apostles: Tradition, History, Theology//Les Actes des Apôtres: Traditions, rédaction, théologie/Éd. J. Kremer. Leuven, 1979. P. 297-306; Lindemann A. Paulus im ältesten Christentum: Das Bild des Apostels und die Rezeption der paulinischen Theologie in der frühchristlichen Literatur bis Marcion. Tüb., 1979; idem. Der Apostel Paulus im 2. Jh.//La reception des écrits néotestamentaires dans le christianisme primitif/Éd. J.-M. Sevrin. Leuven, 1989. P. 39-67; idem. Die Sammlung der Paulusbriefe im 1. und 2. Jh.//The Biblical Canons/Ed. J.-M. Auwers, H. J. de Jonge. Leuven, 2003. P. 321-351; idem. Paul " s Influence on «Clement» and Ignatius//Trajectories through the New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers/Ed. A. W. Gregory, Ch. M. Tuckett. Oxf.; N. Y., 2005. P. 9-24; idem. Paulus im ältesten Christentum: Überlegungen zur gegenwärtigen Diskussion über die frühe Paulusrezeption//Receptions of Paul in Early Christianity. 2018. P. 23-58; De Boer M. Images of Paul in the Post-Apostolic Period//CBQ. 1980. Vol. 42. N 3. P. 359-380; Howe E. M. Interpretations of Paul in the Acts of Paul and Thecla//Pauline Studies: Essays Presented to Professor F. F. Bruce on His 70th Birthday/Ed. D. A. Hagner, M. J. Harris. Exeter, 1980. Р. 33-49; Koschorke K. Paulus in den Nag-Hammadi-Texten: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Paulusrezeption im frühen Christentum//ZTK. |
| 77 E.g., Lucian Hist. 12, who distinguishes proper biography from falsification and flattery; Plutarch in Poetry! (Mor. 16F) points to fabricated materials in poetry (quite different from his description of his sources in the Lives). See Mosley, «Reporting,» 26; Kany, «Bericht»; Witherington, Acts, 25–26; cf. Aune, Environment, 79 (who both notes the distinction and recognizes some overlap). 78 Most Greek tragedies reflected and developed earlier tradition; thus in Helen Euripides follows the Recantation of Stesichorus (which violates the natural reading of Homer), yet to harmonize with Homer must have Menelaus and Helen meet in Egypt and return to Sparta in time for Telemachus " s arrival in the Odyssey. But such constraints were much more general than with historical works (cf. how closely Matthew or Luke follows Mark). 79 Talbert, «Acts,» 72. Pseudo-Callisthenes mixes both historical and fictitious sources, plus adds his own fictions (e.g., Alex. 1.23), 450–750 years after the supposed events. Bowersock " s examples of fictitionalized history (Fiction as History 21) are also distinctly novelistic. 81 See, e.g., Aune, Environment, 151–53; Bauckham, «Acts of Paul»; Keylock, «Distinctness,» 210. One may compare works such as the Acts of Paul and Thecla or Acts of John 53–64,73–80, where elements of the romance story line are followed, except that the women become devotees of the male teacher in chastty, devoted not to sexual love but to God " s word. 82 Some scholars have suggested some overlap in the Gospels, though acknowledging that the degree varies from Gospel to Gospel (e.g., Freyne, Galilee, 11). 86 See Kee, Miracle, 193, for other propagandists narratives in the Isis cult. It is hardly true, however, that the genre as a whole was centered on religious propaganda (Kee, Miracle, 193–94). For more Isis aretalogies see Horsley, Documents, 1:10–21. 87 Dio Cassius 1.1.1–2; Fornara, Nature of History, 120–33; Palmer, «Monograph,» 3, 29, citing, e.g., Cicero Fam. 5.12.5; Polybius 1.4.11; 3.31.13; cf. also Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 47. Bur-ridge, Gospeb, 149–51, includes entertainment among the function of many biographies; and, p. 245, complains that most of Pervós criteria for identifying novels are so broad they apply to most historical works as well; cf. Porter, « " Wé Passages,» 551–52. Some fiction did occur at times in ancient biography (Chance, «Fiction»), especially when the subject had lived centuries earlier (Lefkowitz, Africa, 82). |
| Joel S. Kaminsky, Yet I Loved Jacob: Reclaiming the Concept of Biblical Election (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2007), 25–26. На вопрос «кого избирает Бог, если не существует никакой человеческой природы?» я отвечу так: в контексте призвания библейская категория «человек» (Адам) сходна с категорией «Израиль». В обоих случаях в центре внимания — отдельный древний «род», выбранный Богом для реализации Его намерений, но границы этого сообщества — нечетки, оно включает в себя «чужаков» и «иностранцев». Paul Davies, The Eerie Silence: Renewing Our Search for Alien Intelligence (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2010), 188. Walter Houston, “What was the Meaning of Classifying Animals as Clean or Unclean?” in Animals on the Agenda: Questions about Animals for Theology and Ethics, ed. Andrew Linzey and Dorothy Yamamoto (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 32. Эта идея («единства во плоти») по смыслу близка тому, что Нильс Грегерсен называет «глубинным воплощением», соединяющим Христа с эволюционирующим творением и всем космосом. См.: Niels Gregersen “The Cross of Christ in an Evolutionary World’. Dialog: A Journal of Theology , vol. 40, 3 2001 and Niels Gregersen “Cur deus caro: Jesus and the Cosmos Story,” Theology and Science vol 11:4, November 2013. Они включены в список канонических книг Нового Завета в Клермонтанском кодексе (одна из древнейших рукописей, начало VI века), а отдельные фрагменты «Деяний» обнаружили в Библии Армянской апостольской церкви (Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament , 350–353). Tamas Adamik, “The baptized lion in the Acts of Paul,” in The Apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla , ed. Jan N. Bremmer (Kampen, Netherlands: Kok Pharos, 1996), 65, 73–74. Афанасий Великий, Послание на ариан, слово второе, 61. Афанасий Великий, Послание к Епископу и исповеднику Аделфию, против ариан, 6. Святитель Григорий Богослов, Послание 3. К пресвитеру Кледонию против Аполлинария – первое. Поделиться в соцсетях Подписаться на свежие материалы Предания |
| 301 That Luke uses diary extracts (Foakes-Jackson and Lake, «Evidence,» 158–59; MacGregor in Morton and MacGregor, Structure, 41; Cadbury, Making, 60–61; Dockx, «Compagnon») is probable, given the precision of his details. 303 Cf. Aune, Environment, 124. For instance, «we» is fictitious in the Pseudo-Clementines because the narrative is fictitious, but the author was clearly present in the narrative world; since the account in Plutarch Dinner of Seven Wise Men 1, Mor. 146BC, takes place centuries before Plutarch " s birth, readers again would have recognized it as a literary fiction. 304 See Dupont, Sources, 167–68; Munck, Acts, xliii; Fusco, «Sezioni-noi»; cf. Ramsay, Luke, 17–18. Maddox, Purpose, 7, cites the famed classicist A. D. Nock as regarding the allegedly fictitious «we» of Acts as «virtually unparalleled and most improbable for a writer who makes as much claim as Luke does to historiography.» 305 E.g., Josephus Life 342; Ag. Ap. 1.20,23,28–29. On the lack of public archives in the modern sense in republican Rome (though texts were deposited), see Culham, «Archives.» 306 Also for other historical matters, e.g., Josephus Life 363–366; Ag. Ap. 1.50–52; Xenophon Agesilaus 3.1. Such appeals also appeared in fiction, but the purported evidence should be considered as authentic within their story world (see Philostratus Hrk. 8.12,14,17). 309 Stibbe, Gospel, 57–59. He concedes that John reapplies Mosaic and Elijah traditions (pp. 59–60) but argues that John employs both biblical and Hellenistic biographical techniques (pp. 60–63). 313 See Wright, «Apocryphal Gospels»; cf. Burkitt, Sources, 17; Dibelius, Jesus, 20; Sanders, Figure, 64. A nongospel narrative, Acts of Paul and Thecla, may display proto-Montanist tendencies; reports of Maximillás and Priscillas adherence to Montanus (cf. Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 5.16) resemble that of chaste women in these texts who leave husbands to cleave to ministers of the word. 316 Cf. Aune, Environment, 151–53, especially on apocryphal acts; cf. Bauckham and Porter, «Apocryphal Gospels,» 71. Koester, «One Jesus,» 158–59, overly skeptical about the canonical gospels, finds barely any historical truth in the apocryphal ones. |
| 6360 Cf. Germanicus " s praise in Dio Cassius 57.18.6; cf. Anderson, Glossary, 125 (citing Rhet. Ad Herenn. 4.63). 6361 E.g., Apollonius of Rhodes 1.307–311 ; 3.443–444. 6362 E.g., Pythagoras (Aulus Gellius 1.9.2; Iamblichus V.P. 17.71); 4Q185 1 2.7–8; 4Q186 1 1.5–6; 2 1.3–4; 4Q561. 6363 Homer I1. 3.167; Od. 1.207, 301; 3.199; 9.508; 10.396; Aristotle Rhet. 1.5.13, 1361b; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Plutarch Lycurgus 17.4; Chariton 2.5.2; Herodian 4.9.3; 6.4.4; Artapanus in Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.37. If the Shroud of Turin should prove authentic, however (see Borkan, «Authenticity»), it would testify that Jesus was, after all, perhaps a head taller than his contemporaries. 6364 Homer Od. 13.289; 15.418; 18.195; Plutarch D.V33, Mor. 568A; Longus 2.23; Achilles Tatius 1.4.5; Jos. Asen. 1:4–5/6–8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 17:6. 6365 Agamemnon was a head taller than Odysseus, but the latter had a broader chest (Homer 17. 3.193–194) and is «tall» in Homer Od. 6.276; 8.19–20. Cf. Cornelius Nepos 17 (Agesilaus), 8.1. 6366 Malherbe, «Description,» comparing Augustus, Heracles, and Agathion. Some of the apparently unflattering features become conventional as early as Homer " s depictions of Odysseus; the «small of stature» observation (Acts Paul 3:3; Paul and Thecla 3) fits his Latin name (Paulus, small). 6367 Drury, Design, 29. 6368 Aristotle Po1. 3.7.3, 1282b; Rhet. 1.6.10, 1362b; Theon Progymn. 9.20; Jdt 8:7; 10:7; cf., e.g., Plato Charm. 158C; Chariton 2.1.5; 3.2.14; 5.5.3; 5.5.9; 6.1.9–12; 6.6.4; Athenaeus Deipn. 13.608F; Sir 36:22 ; t. Ber. 6:4; but cf. Plutarch Bride 24–25, Mor. 141CD; Prov 6:25; 31:30 ; Sir 9:8; 11:2; 25:21 . 6369 Sextus Empiricus Eth. 3.43 recognizes that various peoples defined beauty according to their own cultures. 6370 Homer Il. 1.197; Euripides E1. 515, 521–523; Hipp. 220, 1343; Iph. au1. 758, 1366; Here. fur. 993; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.1084; 3.829; 4.1303, 1407; Virgil Aen. 4.590; 10.138; Ovid Metam. 9.715. 6371 Homer Il. 19.282; Od. 4.14; Aristophanes BirdslU; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.676; Virgil Aen. 4.558; Ovid Metam. 11.165; Apuleius Metam. 5.22. |
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