| Death as the means of God’s retribution manifests itself through illnesses, pain, persecution, loneliness, need, fear and being forsaken by God, and threatens life both in case of individuals and of whole societies (compare Ps 6:5-9; Ps 21:12-22; Ps 29:2-4; Ps 37; 59:3-5; 78:1-5). The Prophets could daringly declare a whole city or a whole country to be cast down into dust, although at the time of the prophecy these places were flourishing and it appeared that nothing was threatening them. This kind of prophesy was uttered by Isaiah about Zion (Isa 1:21-23) and by the prophet Amos about the house of Israel (Am 5:1-2). 1.3. In the Old Testament death is linked with the underworld, or Sheol, which is located in the bowels of the earth and is the common grave for the whole of humanity. To descend into Sheol or to be buried meant becoming a victim of the mighty power of death. And although the idea of life after death was linked to Sheol, existence in this kingdom of shadows was hopeless, because death is the result of and the punishment for sin (Gen 2, 3; Wisdom 1:13-16; 2:22-24). However at the time of the Maccabees the attitude to death changes in connection with the struggle against foreign enslavement and, for the first time in the Old Testament, in the first book of Maccabees death is portrayed as heroic (1 Macc 13:25-30). From this time onward the idea of the anticipation of the resurrection of the dead gradually develops, an idea that had been expressed already in the book of the prophet Daniel (Dan 12, 13; compare 2 Macc 7, 9, 14). It is subsequently taken up in Jewish apocalyptic writings, in the writings of the wise men of Israel (Sir 15:6; Wisdom 2:23) and in the works of scribes close to the Pharisee faction (Acts 23:8). 2. Death in the New Testament 2.1. In the New Testament Man’s death is viewed through the prism of the death on the Cross and the Resurrection of Jesus Christ. Immortality belongs only to God (1 Tim 6:16) and it is natural for people to be afraid of death (Matt 4:16; Heb 2:15). However, because God is the life-giving source of all life (Rom 4:17), death could have only appeared as the result of Man having abandoned God, which is what happened with Adam (Rom 5:15, 17-18; 1 Cor 15:22) and which is repeated in the life of every person (Rom 6:23; Heb 9:27). In this manner, death gains power over a person not only at the end of his earthly life, but reigns over him throughout his whole life. This is so-called carnal wisdom, moral or spiritual death (Rom 8:6; 1 John 3:14), because sin, which results in death and is its sting, exists in Man despite the law of God (Rom 7:9, 1 Cor 15:56; James 1:15). For this reason the Scriptures say that the Devil, from whom sin originates, was in possession of the dominion of death (Heb 2:14) and death itself is viewed as a demonic power (1 Cor 15:26-27; Rev 6:8; 20:13-14). |
| 6 It is useless to fast from food, protests St. Basil, and yet to indulge in cruel criticism and slander: ‘You do not eat meat, but you devour your brother’ . 7 The same point is made in the Triodion, especially during the first week of Lent: As we fast from food, let us abstain also from every passion. . . Let us observe a fast acceptable and pleasing to the Lord. True fasting is to put away all evil, To control the tongue, to forbear from anger, To abstain from lust, slander, falsehood and perjury. If we renounce these things, then is our fasting true and acceptable to God. Let us keep the Fast not only by refraining from food, But by becoming strangers to all the bodily passions. 8 The inner significance of fasting is best summed up in the triad: prayer, fasting, almsgiving . Divorced from prayer and from the reception of the holy sacraments, unaccompanied by acts of compassion, our fasting becomes pharisaical or even demonic. It leads, not to contrition and joyfulness, but to pride, inward tension and irritability. The link between prayer and fasting is rightly indicated by Father Alexander Elchaninov. A critic of fasting says to him: ‘Our work suffers and we become irritable. . . . I have never seen servants [in pre-revolutionary Russia] so bad tempered as during the last days of Holy Week. Clearly, fasting has a very bad effect on the nerves.’ To this Father Alexander replies: ‘You are quite right. . . . If it is not accompanied by prayer and an increased spiritual life, it merely leads to a heightened state of irritability. It is natural that servants who took their fasting seriously and who were forced to work hard during Lent, while not being allowed to go to church, were angry and irritable.’ 9 Fasting, then, is valueless or even harmful when not combined with prayer. In the Gospels the devil is cast out, not by fasting alone, but by ‘prayer and fasting’ (Matt. 17: 21 ; Mark 9: 29); and of the early Christians it is said, not simply that they fasted, but that they ‘fasted and prayed’ (Acts 13: 3; compare 14: 23). In both the Old and the New Testament fasting is seen, not as an end in itself, but as an aid to more intense and living prayer, as a preparation for decisive action or for direct encounter with God. Thus our Lord’s forty-day fast in the wilderness was the immediate preparation for His public ministry (Matt. 4: 1-11). When Moses fasted on Mount Sinai (Exod. 34: 28) and Elijah on Mount Horeb (3 Kgs. 19: 8-12), the fast was in both cases linked with a theophany. The same connection between fasting and the vision of God is evident in the case of St. Peter (Acts 10: 9-17). He ‘went up on the housetop to pray about the sixth hour, and he became very hungry and wanted to eat; and it was in this state that he fell into a trance and heard the divine voice. Such is always the purpose of ascetic fasting – to enable us, as the Triodion puts it, to ‘draw near to the mountain of prayer’. 10 |
| 6880 Cicero Cae1. 29.69. 6881 Aeschines Timarchus 1–3; cf. Musonius Rufus frg. 32, p. 132 (applying the principle to moral exhortation). 6882 E.g., Acts John 94. 6883 Von Wahlde, «Apocalyptic Polemic» (comparing esp. 1QS 3.13–4.26 on pp. 426–29; Γ. 12 Patr. on pp. 430–34). 6884 Cf. Motyer, «Anti-Semitic»; Bondi, «Abraham.» 6885 Falk, Jesus, 118, even thinks Hillelites could speak thus about Shammaites (b. Yebam. 16a); but given the need for Pharisaic schools to work together in the first century, one wonders if the evidence is not anachronistic. 6886 E.g., CD 4.15–17; Perkins, «John,» 966, cites the Scrolls» pervasive contrast between children of God (or light) and children of the devil (Belial), 1QS 1.18, 23–24; 2.19; 3.20–21; 1QM 13.11–12 (for Satan in ancient Judaism, see Elgvin, «Devil»). Charges of being «from the devil» also become part of intra-Christian polemic (1 John 3:8; Po1. Phi1. 7.1) 6887 For this sort of rhetorical question, compare the note on 8:43. 6888 E.g., Lysias Or. 24.24, §170; 27.12–13, §178–179; 29.5, §181; Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 41, §27; 49, §37; Estate of Nicostratus 9; Cicero Rose. Amer. 29.79; Pro Flacco 15.34; Mur. 6.13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lit. Comp. 3; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 242, §75D; Hermogenes Issues 45.1–2; 45.21–46.8; Acts 24:13. 6889 Cicero Rose. Amer. 23.64–65. 6890 Aulus Gellius 12.12.1; Xenophon Hel1. 1.7.16–17; 5.11.32; Acts 24:14. One could also gain pardon by confessing (Phaedrus 3, Epi1. 22). 6891 Cicero Sest. 69.145; cf. Epaminondas in Appian R.H. 11.7.41. 6892 Appian R.H. 11.7.40–41. 6893 Aeschines Timarchus 49; Xenophon Mem. 4.8.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.58.2; Acts 6:3; 24:16; 1Tim 3:2, 7 ; Tit 1:6; 2:8 ; cf. sources in Keener, Marries, 86–87. 6894 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 44–45, 55–56,65, 77–78,80, 89; False Embassy 14; Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 40; Acts 26:5. 6895 Lysias Or. 25.14, §172, picking a crime he obviously did not commit but related to the charges. Pleading that one had been wronged might create juror sympathy (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 24). |
| 10520 Early tradition stresses Peter " s priority at least in resurrection appearances ( 1Cor 15:5 ; cf. Luke 24:34; John 21:7 ; Haenchen, John, 2:208; Dunn, Jesus and Spirit, 126), which Farmer and Kereszty, Peter and Paul, 46, regard as a pro-Petrine tradition. 10521 That Peter and John appear together early in the Acts narratives (Acts 1:13; 3:1–11; 4:13,19; 8:14), as well as in the Synoptics ( Mark 5:37; 9:2; 13:3; 14:33 ) and other early Christian tradition ( Gal 2:9 ), may support our hypothesis that the beloved disciple represents John son of Zebedee here (see introduction, ch. 3). 10522 Börse, «Glaube,» recognizes that Peter believes here when he sees Jesus, but thinks John «corrects» the Synoptic tradition of the disciples» unbelief (Luke 24:1–11). 10523 Barrett, John, 563, thinks ακολουθν may subordinate Peter to the beloved disciple, given the term " s Johannine significance (cf. 21:22). Swiftness of foot is a benefit in epic literature, albeit not always sufficient for survival ( 2Sam 2:18 ; Homer I1. 10.372–375; 16.186; 20.411–418). 10524 E.g., Plato Sophist 221D; Aristotle Rhet. 2.20.4, 1393b; Cicero Brutus 93.321–322; see more fully Anderson, Glossary, 110–11, 121; the comment on 13:23–24. Comparing different authors provided a way to locate their strongest and weakest points (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Letter to Gnaeus Pompeius 1–2), so one could offer the best examples (Letter to Gnaeus Pompeius 6); one might even compare a single writer " s best and worst speeches (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thucyd. 35, end). 10525 E.g., Philostratus Hrk. 27.1–13; cf. Xenophon Eph. 1.1. These did not necessarily denigrate the other (see, e.g., Menander Rhetor 2.10, 417.10–11 [citing Homer 17. 22.158]; Philostratus Hrk. 13.3–4). Running for a good reason could be praiseworthy; e.g., running to hear Torah does not desecrate even the Sabbatb (b. Ber. 6b), and one might run to greet a king (b. Ber. 58a) or to greet a loved one presumed possibly lost (Livy 4.40.3; Appian R.H. 2.5.3; Tob 11:9–10; Luke 15:20; other examples in Hock, «Novel,» 140) or because otherwise impelled by sudden news of a loved one (Apol1. Κ. Tyre 25). On physical prowess, see comments on 21:7,11. |
| Like the rest of the Fourth Gospel, John here insists that Jewish believers remain faithful to the God of Israel through fidelity to Jesus, not through satisfying the synagogue leadership (12:42–43). This is because Jesus is God " s faithful agent; he neither spoke (14:10; cf. 16:13) nor acted (5:30; 8:28, 42) on his own (12:49), but only at the Father " s command (12:49; see comment on 5:19). 7989 By again reinforcing the portrait of Jesus as God " s faithful agent, John reminds his hearers that their opponents who in the name of piety opposed a high view of Jesus were actually opposing the God who appointed him to that role. «The Father " s commandment is eternal life» (12:50) is presumably elliptical for «obedience to the Father " s command produces eternal life,» but also fits the identification of the word (1:4), Jesus» words (6:68), and knowing God (17:3) with life. For John, the concept of «command» should not be incompatible with believing in Jesus (6:27; cf. 8:12; 12:25), which is the basis for eternal life (3:15–16; 6:40, 47; 11:25; 20:31); faith involves obedience (3:36; cf. Acts 5:32; Rom 1:5; 2:8; 6:16–17; 15:18; 16:19, 26; 2 Thess 1:8; 1Pet 1:22; 4:17 ). Jesus always obeys his Father " s commands (8:29), including the command to face death (10:18; 14:31); his disciples must follow his model of obedience to his commandments by loving one another sacrificially (13:34; 14:15, 21; 15:10,12). 7803 Matthew " s stirring of «the entire city» (Matt 21:10), however, may invite the reader to compare this event with an earlier disturbance of Jerusalem (Matt 2:3). 7804 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 306; Catchpole, «Entry.» In favor of reliability, see also Losie, «Entry,» 858–59. 7805 In view of ancient patronal social patterns, Jesus» numerous «benefactions» would also produce an entourage, seeking favors, that could potentially double as a political support base, exacerbating his threat to the political elite (DeSilva, Honor, 135). 7806 Also for Matthew (Matt 21:10–11); in Luke those who hail him are disciples (Luke 19:37, 39); even in Mark, where «many» participate, those who go before and after him are probably those who knew of his ministry in Galilee ( Mark 11:8–9 ). This may represent a very different crowd from the one that condemned him (Matt 27:20–25; Mark 15:11–14 ; Luke 23:13, 18, 21, 23)–certainly in John, where the condemning «Jews» are the «high priests» (19:6–7, 12–15). |
| 8179 Cf., e.g., Xenophon Cyr. 3.1.36,41, who repeats a statement using a synonym for servitude. Orators sometimes repeated themselves as a rhetorical technique, but Demetrius considered this unsuitable for written works (226, as cited in Anderson, Glossary, 77, s.v. μιμητι.κν). 8180 E.g., Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.28.38; Aulus Gellius 1.4; 2.5.1; cf. Robbins, «Plutarch and Gospels,» 146–55. 8183 The «articular nominative» (not an accusative) here functions as a vocative (Barrett, John, 443). 8184 With Barrett, John, 443. «Teacher» could also be an exalted title, depending on who was taught («heaven and earth» in T.Ab. 11:3B). «Call» (13:13) could bear an exalted function (e.g., Acts 2:21; Gen. Rab. 39:16) but is not required by the term itself. 8185 Cf.Fenton,/o/m, 143,citing 13:20; 14:12; 20:21,23. Culpepper, John, 206, regarding the language of 13:14–15, points to parallels for «exemplary» deaths (2Macc 6:27–28,31; 4 Macc 17:22–23; Sir 44:16 ); see our comment on 13:34. 8187 Pesce and Destro, «Lavanda,» compare the inversion at the Saturnalia festival where masters temporarily served slaves. 8189 Cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.2.36, who seeks not to be better than, but at least not worse than, Socrates. 8190 Pesiq. Rab. 36:2, concerning God and the Messiah; Alexander " s exhortations in Arrian Alex. 5.26.7; 7.10.1–2. 8191 See, e.g., Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 229. Certainly the servant " s role to obey the master was a commonplace (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 128, §40D). 8192 Sanders, John, 309, following Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:557, claims that a disciple would even wash the master " s feet. 8193 Goodman, State, 78; t. B. Qam. 9(comparing rabbis to fathers and implicitly to slaveholders). Later texts also assume that rabbis held higher status than disciples and should never take a lesser position (e.g., Lev. Rab. 22:6). 8194 R. Eliezer b. Hyrcanus in " Abot R. Nat. 25A. Serving a teacher might prove more important than studying with him (Tannaitic tradition in b. Ber. 7b). |
| 10621 Schnackenburg, John, 3:318; Brown, John, 2:992; McPolin, John, 255; Morris, John, 841; Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644; Whitacre, John, 476; Smith, John (1999), 377. 10622 One could try to distinguish the prohibition for Mary from the invitation to Thomas by suggesting that Mary as a woman might be impure ( Lev 15:19–30 ), but apart from lacking clues in the text, this position would violate Johannine thought about purity as well as about gender (e.g., 2:6; 4:9). 10623 One might sever the first imperative grammatically from the following statement if one could take 20:17 " s γρ as anticipatory («since,» for the following clause) rather than causal (for the preceding; McGehee, «Reading»), but Johannine style makes that suggestion less likely. 10624 Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644. 10625 Cf. McPolin, John, 255. 10626 Schneiders, «Encounter,» 165. 10627 Witherington, Acts, 112–13. 10628 This real presence was, however, stronger than the mere epistolary presence that such language conventions as «absent in body, present in spirit» could imply ( 1Cor 5:3 ; Col 2:5; 1 Thess 2:17; Isocrates Nic. 51–52, Or. 3.37; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.1; Achilles Tatius 5.20.5; Stowers, Letter Writing, 60; Funk, «Parousia» 264; cf. Diogenes Laertius 7.1.24; contrast Diogenes Ep. 17). 10629 E.g., Homer I1. 12.15. The Iliad regularly predicts (e.g., I1. 21.110; 23.80–81) but does not narrate Achilles» death. 10630 Homer Il. 6.403; 22.506–507. 10631 E.g., Homer Od. 23.266–284. 10632 Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64, 75, 1135; 4.241–245. Writing after Euripides, this must be expected. 10633 E.g., Ovid Metam. 14.824–828; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.68; Phaedrus 4.12.3; cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1608, 1614,1622. See more fully Talbert, «Immortals.» 10634 See also 2 En. 67:1–3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 5:7; more fully, Palatty, «Ascension»; Luke, «Ascension»; Tabor, «Divinity»; Begg, «Disappearance.» 10635 Seealso Jos. Asen. 17:8, MSS; T. Ab. 4:5; 8:1; 15:11; 20:12A; 4:4; 8:1; 10:2B; cf. Jub. 32:20–21. 10636 Because of Heracles» apotheosis, people searched only vainly for his corpse (Diodorus Siculus 4.38.3–5); Romulus «vanished» (Plutarch Camillus 33.7); other deified persons, such as Aeneas, also «disappeared» (φανσθη, Diodorus Siculus 7.5.2; the term applies to Heracles in Lysias Or. 2.11, §191), as did Moses in Josephus Ant. 4.326. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, also compare the first-century B.C.E. traditions of Romulus " s ascension (Livy 1.16.2–8; Ovid Metam. 14.805–851; Vir. illustr. 2.13; Plutarch Numa 11.2–3), even by horses and carriage (Ovid Fasti 2.475–510; cf. 2 Kgs 2:11–18), and Job " s children in T. Job 39:8–40:4. |
| More likely the number stresses an important feature of the miracle analogous to many other ancient miracle accounts: the abundance of the fish underlines the miraculous character of the provision (cf. 6:13). 10922 In this case, the number could simply stem from an accurate memory of a careful count on the occasion, because fish had to be counted to be divided among fishermen; 153 is too exact for a round number (such as 150). 10923 As Hunter puts it, the 153 fish may turn out to be «no more symbolical than the hundred yards that Peter swam. It is the remembered number of a " bumper» catch.» 10924 It also underlines the miracle of the net not being torn despite the vast number of fish (even more dramatic if the audience is at all familiar with the tradition in Luke 5:1–11, esp. 5:6). 10925 The narrator " s perspective remains with the boat in 21:8–9 instead of following Peter " s swimming (21:7,11), though the latter is the center of action; this may support the suggestion that the beloved disciple remains the narrativés source here (21:7). 10926 The boat pulled the net as it approached the shore (21:8–9), but it was Peter, in obedience to the Lord " s word (21:10), who pulled the net, suspended from the side of the boat, to Jesus on the land (21:11). 10927 Although it was easier to pull a full net from shallow water to land rather than through deep water, pulling such a large net of fish (21:11) suggests considerable physical strength. 10928 As in 21:7, this was a way that a laborer could express his devotion to his Lord; compare the beloved disciplés speed in 20:4. 10853 Fuller lists for the Twelve include Matt Mark 3:16–19 ; Luke 6:14–16; Acts 1:13. Lists of those who did exploits constitutes a common form (e.g., 2Sam 23:8–39; 1 Chr 25:1–7; Homer II. 3.161–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.23–228; cf. Philostratus Hrk. 6.3, expanding on Homer Il. 2.484–760), though lists of officeholders and other forms may be equally relevant, especially lists of disciples (Iamblichus V.P. 23.104; 35.251; see further Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:150, citing m. Ab. 2:8; Diogenes Laertius 8.46). |
| of Theology. Fort Worth (Tex.), 1990. Vol. 33. P. 5–19; Tannehill R. C. The Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts: A Literary Interpretation. Minneapolis, 1990. Vol. 2: The Acts of the Apostles; Thornton C. -J.Der Zeuge des Zeugen: Lukas als Historiker der Paulusreisen. Tüb., 1991. (WUNT; 56); Vaganay L. An Introd. to New Testament Textual Criticism. Camb., 19912; Sterling G. E.Historiography and Self-Definition: Josephos, Luke-Acts, and Apologetic Historiography. Leiden; N. Y., 1992; Strange W. A. The Problem of the Text of Acts. Camb., 1992. (SNTS.MS; 71); Alexander L. Acts and the Ancient Intellectual Biography//Ancient LiterarySetting/Ed. B. W. Winter, A. D. Clarke. Grand Rapids, 1993. P. 31–63. (The Book of Acts in its First Century Setting; 1); eadem. The Preface to Luke’s Gospel: Literary Convention and Social Context in Luke 1. 1–4 and Acts 1. 1. Camb., 1993. (SNTS.MS; 78); Conzelmann H. Die Mitte der Zeit: Stud. z. Theologie des Lukas. Tüb., 19937; Parsons M. C., Pervo R. I. Rethinking the Unity of Luke and Acts. Minneapolis, 1993; Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments/Hrsg. K. Aland etc. B.; N. Y., 1993. Bd. 3: Die Apostelgeschichte. 2 Tl.; Green J. B., McKeever M. C. Luke-Acts and New Testament Historiography. Grand Rapids, 1994 [Библиогр.]; Soards M. L. The Speeches in Acts: Their Content, Context, and Concerns. Louisville (Ky.), 1994; Bauckham R., ed. The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting. Grand Rapids, 1995; Jervell J. The Theology of the Acts of the Apostles. Camb., 1996; Turner M. Power from on High: The Spirit in Israel’s Restoration and Witness in Luke-Acts. Sheffield, 1996; Zwiep A. W. The Ascension of the Messiah in Lukan Christology. Leiden, 1997; Marguerat D. La première histoire du christianisme: Les Actes des Apôtres. P., 1999; Porter S. E. The Paul of Acts: Essays in Literary Criticism, Rhetoric, and Theology. Tüb., 1999. (WUNT; 115); idem. The Genre of Acts and the Ethics of Discourse//Acts and Ethics/Ed. Th. E. Phillips. |
| P. Martin. Grand Rapids, 1970. P. 108–122; idem.Date andPurpose of Luke-Acts: Rackham Reconsidered//CBQ. 1978. Vol. 40. P. 335–350; Talbert C. H.Literary Patterns, Theological Themes, and the Genre of Luke-Acts. Missoula (Mt.), 1975; Robbins V. K.By Land and by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea Voyages//Perspectives on Luke-Acts/Ed. C. H. Talbert. Danville (Va.), 1978. P. 215–224; Hengel M.Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity/Transl. J. Bowden. Phil., 1979; Martini C.La tradition textuelle des Actes des Apôtres et les tendances de l’Église ancienne//Les Actes des Apôtres: Traditions, rédaction, théologie/Ed. J. Kremer. Leuven, 1979. P. 21–35. (BETL; 48); Neirynck F.The Miracle Stories in the Acts of the Apostles//Ibid. P. 169–213; Maddox R. The Purpose of Luke-Acts/Ed. J. Riches. Edinb., 1982; Pereira Fr .Ephesus, Climax of Universalism in Luke-Acts. Anand, 1983; Barr D. L., Wentling J. L.The Conventions of Classical Biography and the Genre of Luke-Acts//Luke-Acts: New Perspectives from the Soc. of Biblical Literature Seminar/Ed. C. H. Talbert. N. Y., 1984. P. 63–88; Boismard M. -E., Lamouille A.Le text occidental des Actes des Apôtres: Reconstitution et réhabilitation. P., 1984. 2 vol.; Aland B.Entstehung, Charakter und Herkunft des sogenannt westlichen Textes — Untersucht an der Apostelgeschichte//EThL. 1986. Vol. 62. P. 5–65; Tyson J. The Death of Jesus in Luke-Acts. Columbia, 1986; Bovon F. Luke the Theologian: Thirty-Three Years of Research (1950–1983). Allison Park (Pennsylv.), 1987. [Библиогр.]; Brodie T. -L. Luke the Literary Interpreter: Luke-Acts as a Systematic Rewriting and Updating of the Elijah-Elisha Narrative: Diss. R., 1987; Pervo R. I.Profit with Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of the Apostles. Phil., 1987; Hemer C. J. The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History/Ed. C. H. Gempf. Tüb., 1989. (WUNT; 49); Marshall I. H. Luke: Historian and Theologian. Grand Rapids, 1989; Balch D. L.The Genre of Luk-Acts: Individual Biography, Adventure Novel, or Political History?//Southwestern J. |
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