При Саргоне II Иудея платила дань Ассирии, что зафиксировано в ассир. документах (ANET. P. 287a). Однако по смерти Саргона в 705 г., когда его сын и преемник Синаххериб (705-681; в синодальном переводе - Сеннахирим) вынужден был подавлять восстания, вспыхнувшие в различных ассир. провинциях и вассальных гос-вах по соседству с Иудеей, Езекия усмотрел в этом благоприятный момент, чтобы сбросить ассир. ярмо, и вступил в антиассир. союз с 25-й (Нубийской) егип. династией. Он также поддерживал отношения с Мардук-апал-иддином (библ. Меродах Валадан,     - Ис 39. 1) - самопровозглашенным царем Вавилона. Против этих антиассир. союзов резко выступал прор. Исаия, говоря об их бесперспективности. В 702 г. Синаххериб разорил земли юж. арам. племен, а в 701 г. выступил против восставших гос-в на западе Ассирийской империи. Он покорил Тир, завоевал Яффу с ее окрестностями. Сражение с пришедшей на помощь восставшим егип. армией не дало перевеса ни одной из сторон; египтяне отступили, а Синаххериб обрушился на Иудею, уничтожая все на своем пути. Ассир. войску удалось взять крупнейший и хорошо укрепленный город Юж. Иудеи Лахиш. В серии рельефов, украшавших стены одного из залов дворца Синаххериба в Ниневии (ныне хранятся в Британском музее), изображены жестокие сцены осады города, сдача Лахиша, страшная казнь руководителей обороны города, захват добычи, пленные горожане, босыми идущие в изгнание. Следы битвы за Лахиш обнаруживают и археологические раскопки; в частности, был открыт сооруженный горожанами противоосадный вал. После падения Лахиша Езекия резко изменил свою позицию и послал Синаххерибу огромную дань (4 Цар 18. 14-16), о чем говорится и в ассир. анналах. Но это не удовлетворило Синаххериба - он потребовал сдачи Езекии, что было неприемлемо для иудейского царя. Разрушив ряд городов Юж. и Центр. Иудеи, ассир. войска осадили Иерусалим. Однако, как и предсказывал прор. Исаия, столица Иудеи не пала. Согласно 4 Цар 19. 35 и Ис 37. 36, произошло чудо: в одну ночь в стане ассирийцев было поражено 185 тыс. чел. (ср.: 2 Пар 32. 21). Цифра представляется слишком большой - численность самого большого из известных ассир. войск, войска Салманасара III в походе против Дамаска, составляла 120 тыс. чел. (ANET. P. 287a - 288b); возможно и др. прочтение надписи - 5180 (ср.: ANET. P. 280a). Гибель большого количества воинов произвела устрашающее впечатление на ассирийцев; осада Иерусалима была снята, и войско Синаххериба ушло. Анналы Синаххериба также подтверждают тот факт, что Иерусалим не был взят. В частности, здесь говорится, что Езекия стал «заключенным в Иерусалиме... как птица в клетке», но нет ни слова о том, что Синаххерибу удалось захватить столицу Иудеи или ее царя. Войско ассирийцев могла поразить холера или бубонная чума.

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Much of the most specifically mystery vocabulary is lacking in earliest Christianity: Metzger, following Nock, lists such terms as tnysts, mystikos, mystagögos, katharmos, katharsia, katharsis, telet, and so on. 10412 What is perhaps more significant is the different perspective on the events described by both kinds of religions. As Metzger points out: 10413 The Mysteries differ from Christianity " s interpretation of history. The speculative myths of the cults lack entirely that reference to the spiritual and moral meaning of history which is inextricably involved in the experiences and triumph of Jesus Christ. 10414 In the apostolic and subapostolic literature, 10415 in all strata of Christian testimony concerning the resurrection of Jesus Christ, «everything is made to turn upon a dated experience with a historical Person,» [citing Nock] whereas nothing in the Mysteries points to any attempt to undergird belief with historical evidence of the god " s resurrection. To notice this is perhaps to notice the different cultural matrixes in which these religions took root; it would be difficult indeed for a cult rooted in Israelite biblical piety to have ignored a heilsgeschichtliche perspective on history. In this perspective, God " s acts might be celebrated annually in cultic ritual, but they were viewed as unique events secured by the testimony of witnesses and grounded in corporate piety. 10416 Nock points out that while many of Paul " s hearers may have understood him in terms of the Mysteries, most of the early Jewish-Christian missionaries, like Paul, had probably had little firsthand exposure to the Mysteries and reflected instead a broader milieu of which the Mysteries were only a part. 10417 2B. Dying-and-Rising Deities? One area of special comparison between the Mysteries and Christianity, especially in early-twentieth-century literature, involves the matter of salvation and of dying and rising gods. The motif of dying and rising gods certainly predates the time of Jesus. Just as fertility fled the earth during Demeter " s search for Persephone in the Eleusinian myth, 10418 so it flees during the absence of the Hittite deity Telepinus (ANET 126–28), the Canaanite Baal (ANET 129–42), 10419 and perhaps the man Aqhat (ANET 149–55). 10420 The same theme appears in the late-second-millennium B.C.E. story of Ishtar " s descent to the netherworld (ANET 108, lines 76–79; cf. reverse, lines 34,38–49). It seems likely that a much older story line or lines stand behind all the regional variations.

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1734 Josephus lists numerous local decrees which probably functioned as precedents by which Diaspora Jews sought to defend their status; he also reports the desire of Alexandrian Jews to be equal citizens with the Greeks who dominated the city " s cultural elite; see Rabello, «Condition»; Rajak, «Charter.» 1737 Dodd, Tradition, 120, suggests that it must be pre-70, but the decades shortly after 70 would function just as wel1. The period following 135, after the demise of the Bar Kokhba revolt, witnessed a consolidation of rabbinic antipathy toward inadequately substantiated messianic claims. 1739 Egyptian («The Instruction for King Meri-Ka-Re,» ANET 416; cf. also enthronement oracles, e.g., «The Divine Nomination of Thut-Mose III» and «The Divine Nomination of an Ethiopian King,» ANET 446–48; Wilson, «Prophecy,» 3–16, 10); Ugaritic (Craigie, Ugarit, 35); Mari Moran, «Prophecy,» 17; Craghan, «Mari, " 48, and Paul, «Prophets,» 1160, citing ARM.T 13.23,114); Akkadian («Assyrian Oracles,» ANET 449–50); Assyrian («Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts,» ANET274–77,281,286,292); classical Greece (Nilsson, Cults, 123–42). Cf. Ross, «Prophecy,» 17; Hayes, «Oracles,» 81–85. 1741 Collins, Oracles, 4–5 for Mithridates; 9–12 for Persia; 12–19 for Egypt. In general, cf. Aune, Prophecy, 73–77. 1742 Collins, Oracles, 117. Not surprisingly, Tiberius banished all Sibylline oracles considered spurious (Dio Cassius 57.18.5). 1743 This was true not only under Domitian; cf. Tacitus Ann. 14.22; Suetonius Nero 36; MacMullen, Enemies, 133; Kee, Origins, 71. Some philosophers also suffered at Domitian " s hands; cf. lones, Dio Chrysostom, 45; Aulus Gellius 15.11.3–5; Philostratus Vit. Apoll, books 7–8. 1744 Suetonius Dom. 12; Williams, «Domitian»; though cf. Ramsay, Church, 268; Reicke, Era, 286; Josephus Life 429 (Josephus found a patron in the Flavians). The disdain was evidently reciprocated; cf. Sib. Or. 5.39–46 (toward Rome in general, among the early sources, cf., e.g., 4 Ezra 6:9; 11–12; m. " Abot 1:10; 2:3; Sipre Deut. 317.4.2; 320.2.3; Mendels, «Empires»).

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Herodian. History. Translated by C. R. Whittaker. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969. Herodotus. History. Translated by A. D. Godley. 4 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920–1925. Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica. Translated by Hugh G. Evelyn-White. Rev. ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936. Hippocrates. Translated by W. H. S. Jones, Ε. T. Withington, Wesley D. Smith, and Paul Potter. 8 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1923–1995. History of Joseph. Introduction and translation by G. T. Zervos. OTP 2:467–75. Homer. The Iliad. Translated by Α. T. Murray. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924. Homer. The Odyssey. Translated by A. T. Murray. 2d ed. Revised by George E. Dimock. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995. Horace. The Odes and Epodes. Translated by C. E. Bennett. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914. Horace. Satires, Epistles, and Ars poetica. Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough. LCL. London: Heinemann, 1926. «A Hymn to Amon-Re.» Translated by J. A. Wilson. ANET 365–367. Iamblichus. «A Babylonian Story.» Introduction and translation by Gerald N. Sandy. Pages 783–97 in Collected Ancient Greek Novels. Edited by B. P. Reardon. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989. Iamblichus. On the Mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians. Translated by Thomas Taylor. 3d ed. London: Stuart & Watkins, 1968. Iamblichus. On the Pythagorean Way of Life: Text, Translation, and Notes. By John Dillon and Jackson Hershbel1. SBL Texts and Translations 29, Graeco-Roman Religion Series 11. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1991. Die Inschriften von Ephesos. Edited by Hermann Wankel et a1. 8 vols. Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 11. Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1979–1984. «The Instruction for King Meri-Ka-Re.» Translated by John A. Wilson. ANET 414–418. «Instructions for Palace Personnel to Insure the King " s Purity.» Translated by Albrecht Goetze. ANET 207. «Instructions for Temple Officials.» Translated by Albrecht Goetze. ΑΝΕT 207–10.

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Demosthenes. Translated by J. H. Vince, C. A. Vince, Α. T. Murray, N. W. DeWitt, and N. J. DeWitt. 7 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1926–1949. Dio Cassius. Roman History. Translated by Earnest Cary. 9 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914–1922. Dio Chrysostom. Translated by J. W. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. 5 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932–1951. Diodorus Siculus. The Library of History. Translated by C. H. Oldfather, Charles L. Sherman, C. Bradford Welles, Rüssel M. Geer, and Francis R. Walton. 12 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1933–1967. Diogenes Laertius. Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Translated by R. D. Hicks. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1925. Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Critical Essays. Translated by Stephen Usher. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974. Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The Roman Antiquities. Translated by Earnest Cary, following Edward Spelman. 7 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937–1945. «The Divine Nomination of an Ethiopian King.» Translated by John A. Wilson. ANET 447–448. «The Divine Nomination of Thut-Mose III.» Translated by John A. Wilson. ANET 446–447. 1 Enoch (Ethiopie Apocalypse). Translated by E. Isaac. OTP 1:5–89. See also Ethiopie Book of Enoch. 2 Enoch. Translated by F. I. Anderson. OTP 1:91–221. 3 Enoch (Hebrew Apocalypse). Translated by P. Alexander. OTP 1:223–315. Epictetus. The Discourses as Reported by Arrian, the Manual, and Fragments. Translated by W. A. Oldfather. 2 vols. LCL. Cambridege: Harvard University Press, 1926–1928. The Ethiopie Book of Enoch: A New Edition in the Light of the Aramaic Dead Sea Fragments. Edited by Michael A. Knibb, in consultation with Edward Ullendorff. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1978. Eunapius. See Philostratus and Eunapius. Euripides. Translated by A. S. Way. 4 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1912. Euripides. Translated by David Kovacs. 2 vols. LCL new series. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994–1995.

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«Assyrian Oracles and Prophecies.» Translated by Robert H. Pfeiffer. ANET 449–450. Athenaeus. The Deipnosophists. Translated by Charles Burton Gulick. 7 vols. LCL. London: Heine-mann, 1927–1941. Augustine. Tractates on the Gospel of John 1–112 . Translated by John W. Rettig. Fathers of the Church 78–79, 88, 90, 92. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1988–1995. Aulus Gellius. The Attic Nights. Translated by John C . Rolfe. 3 vols. Rev. ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1927–1952. Babrius and Phaedrus. Translated by Ben Edwin Perry. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965. «Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts.» Translated by A. Leo Oppenheim. ANET 265–317. The Babylonian Talmud. Edited by Isidore Epstein. London: Soncino, 1948. 2 Baruch. Translated by A. F. J. Klijn. OTP 1:615–52. 3 Baruch. Translated by H. E. Gaylord Jr. OTP 1:653–79. 4 Baruch. Translated by S. E. Robinson. OTP 2:418–25. See also Paraleipomena Jeremiou. The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day: Ideas of the Ancient Egyptians Concerning the Hereafter as Expressed in Their Own Terms. Translated by Thomas George Allen. Prepared for publication by Elizabeth Blaisdell Hauser. Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 37. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974. Caesar. Alexandrian, African, and Spanish Wars. Translated by A. G. Way. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955. Caesar, The Civil Wars. Translated by A. G. Peskett. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914. Caesar. The Gallic War. Translated by H. J. Edwards. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 1917. Callimachus. Aetia, Iambi, Lyric Poems, Hecale, Minor Epic and Elegiac Poems, and other Fragments. Translated by C. A. Trypanis. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958. Callimachus. Hymns and Epigrams. Translated by A. W. Mair. Rev. ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955. Catullus. Translated by Francis Warre Cornish. Revised by G. P. Goold. 2d ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988.

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3910 Besides the references in his commentary, see Bultmann, Tradition, 165–66. Mowry, «Scrolls,» 92, suggests an anti-Essene polemic; this is answered by Belleville, «Born,» 126. 3913 E.g., b. Ta c an. 16a; Pesiq. Rab. 44:1. Judaism despised false proselytes (e.g., Jdt 11:23; T. Jos. 4:4–6; Sipre Deut. 356.5.7; b. c Abod. Zar. 3b; Šabb. 33b; Pesiq. Rab. 22:5), later texts explicitly demanding fear of God as the proper motive for authentic conversion (b. Qidd. 62a; Yebam. 24b, 47a; p. Git. 1:4, §2; Qidd. 4:1, §§2–3; Num. Rab. 8:4, 9; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:387–88 on b. B. Mesïa 72a), though some allowed that proselytes from impure motives might still have some status before God (cf. p. Sanh. 6:7, §2). Some second-century rabbis rejected proselytes who balked at so much as a single obligation of Torah (t. Demai 2:50; cf. Num. Rab. 5:3). Neusner, «Conversion,» 66, argues that political factors may have partially motivated the conversions of Helene and Izates, though their conversions were sincere. 3914 1QS 3.4–9; 4.21; 5.13–14; Bonsirven, Judaism, 116, also cites t. Ta c an. 1:8. See Sanders, Judaism, 230, citing Let. Aris. 305–306; Philo Unchangeable 7–8. Early Christians retained the Jewish and the Baptist " s prerequisite of repentance for valid baptism (against Flusser, Judaism, 53, who thinks Christians weakened it). 3916 Spell 20, part T-l, in the Egyptian Book of the Dead (trans. Allen, 36); Mover, «Purity,» 130; Blackman, «Purification,» 476; cf. Philo Moses 1.14. 3918 Ibid., 132; cf. the importance of ritual purity in «Instructions for Palace Personnel to Insure the King " s Purity,» trans. Goetze, ANET 207; «Instructions for Temple officials,» 14, trans. Goetze, ANET 209. 3919 The principle also appears in genetically unrelated or distant societies, e.g., postpartum purificatory water rituals among Eskimos, in Fiji, and Uganda (Fallaize, «Purification»); postpartum or postmenstruation rituals among the Nandi and the Ndebele (Mbiti, Religions, 169, 172); prénuptial washings in Batoro (Mbiti, Religions, 182–83), Jewish (Safrai, «Home,» 758) and Greco-Roman (Ferguson, Backgrounds, 54–55; Batey, Imagery, 28) cultures; Hindu water purifications before approaching a deity (Fry et a1., Religions, 61, and, to a lesser extent, in Shinto tradition in Japan [ibid., 154]); possibly related Islamic purifications (Guillaume, Islam, 88); Mandaeans (Drower, Mandaeans, 100–23; cf. Kraeling, John, 107–9).

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2178 Tiede, Figure, 1. T. Hergesel provides a description of sacred (cultic) and biographical (concerning miracle workers) aretalogies («Aretalogia»; cf. Martins Terra, «Milagres») 2181 E.g., Gundry, «Genre,» 107; Smith, Johannine Christianity, 32, may, however, be correct that the issue is partly semantic. For a somewhat fuller discussion on the divine man hypothesis, now largely discredited, see also Keener, Spirit, 66–67; idem, Matthew, 56; and esp. Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ»; Tiede, Figure; Holladay, Theios Aner; Gallagher, Divine Man; Pilgaard. “Theios aner. " 2182 On this function of aretalogies, see above on the function of signs; cf. Grants, Gods, 38; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 43. 2189 Bowersock, Fiction as History, 22 (attributing some of this to the influence of the Jesus tradition, 27,143; but would these have exercised such influence on Romés aristocracy by Nerós reign?). 2190 Aune, Environment, 50. For people marveling after miracles, see, e.g., Philostratus Vit. Apol1. passim. 2191 Drawn from the sampling in Grant, Religions, 56–58. Pausanias 2.27.3 notes that the inscriptions list the names of the healed, their disease and how they were cured. Cf. also records of healings in Horsley, Documents, 2:21–25. 2192 Grant, Gods, 66–67; Aelius Aristides Or. 2.30–36,74–76 (Grant, Religions, 53–55). The practice of incubation was already in vogue probably for at least two millennia before our period; note AQHTA i, «The Tale of Aqhat,» 149–55 in ANET, 150; less relevant; KRTA i, «The Legend of King Keret,» 142–49 in ANET, 143; cf. Gen 15:12 ; 1Sam 3:3–15; 1 Kgs 3:4–15. 2193 Aelius Aristides attests that Asclepius sometimes healed away from the shrine as well (Grant, Gods, 66). On Asclepius in general, cf. Grant, Gods, 60, 66–67; Martin, Religions, 50–52; Case, Origins, 107–8; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 173–77; on other sanctuary-based healing cults, see Ferguson, Backgrounds, 173–77 (Amphiaraus); Asclepius at Cos (Grant, Religions, 4–6); possibly Diana at Philippi (Abrahamsen, «Reliefs,» 119–21). Healing miracles were also attributed to Eleusis (Burkert, Cults, 20) and were associated with Apollo (Horace Carmen saeculare 62–64). A Jewish version delegates authority over illness to Raphael (I En. 40[Sim.]; cf. T Sol 18).

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279.     Воскресение Христово [Пасхальная проповедь 25 апреля 1976 г.] //Неделя в Резекне. 17 апреля 1998 г. 280.     «Начало Евангелия Иисуса Христа, Сына Божия…» : Беседы на Евангелие от Марка, гл. 1—4. М.: Даниловский Благовестник, 1998. 142 с. 281.     Пути христианской жизни: Беседы. М.: Альпари [По заказу храма свв. Афанасия и Кирилла Александрийских]. 1998. 183 с. 281a.   То же. Киев: Дух i Лimepa, 2001. 272 с. 282.     Ступени : Беседы / Макариево-Решемская обитель. Решма, 1998. 95 с. (Христианский собеседник. Вып. 40. Изд. газеты «Свет Православия»). 283.     Воздвижение Креста Господня //Чин Воздвижения Креста: Слова. Поучения. Проповеди. М.: Моск. Патриархия, 1998. С. 46—49. 284.     Sacred materialism in Christianity //The experience of the Incarnation: The body as the Temple of the Holy Spirit. Oxford: St Stephen’s Press, 1998. P. 10—19. 285.     Первые прошения Молитвы Господней //АО. 1998. С. 5—17. 286.     [Предисловие к:] Соборность : Сб. избр. статей. М.: FSAS—ББU, 1998. С. 8. 287.     «Если мы не стали новыми, то пора начать все сначала…» : Доклад на ежегодной епархиальной конференции /Пер. с англ. //РМ. 6—12 августа 1998 г. 287a.   Where have we Orthodox failed our calling? //Where have we Orthodox failed our calling? : Diocesan conference, May 22—25, 1998. S. l., 1999. P. 3—14. 288.     Проповеди //АО. 1998. С. 5—15. 289.     О святых завтрашнего дня //Страницы. 1998. Т. 3. С. 441—448. 290.     [Предисловие к:] Иеромонах Иларион (Алфеев). Жизнь и учение св. Григория Богослова. М.: Крутицкое подворье : Общество любителей церковной истории, 1998. 507 с. С. 9—10. 291.     Психическая болезнь: наказание или крест? : Из бесед //О душевных болезнях. М.: Моск. Патриархия—Центр «Благо», 1998. С. 99—105. 291a.   То же. Загл. изм.: Психоболезнь : наказание или крест? //Из дневника православного психиатра. /Изд. Макариев-Решемской обители. Вып. 36. 1998. С. 35—37. 292.     Слово на Воздвижение Креста Господня //Воздвижение Честного и Животворящего Креста Господня : Слова. Поучения. Проповеди. М.: Моск. Патриархия, 1998. С. 20—23.

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