| The cry «Hosanna!» renders the Hebrew of Ps 118:25 , 7820 and similar Hebrew cries for salvation could address kings ( 2Sam 14:4; 2 Kgs 6:26); coupled with the branches (see below), this suggests that the crowds hoped for him as a king or national deliverer. 7821 Hence he is «king of Israel,» as Nathanael recognized (1:49). In John " s Gospel this royal expectation recalls 6:15, but on this occasion Jesus does not retreat, for his hour of enthronement on the cross is approaching. Ironically, the leaders of his people will claim no king but Caesar (19:15). 3. Scripture Fulfilled (12:14–16) The disciples did not recognize the allusion to Zech 9:9 7822 until after Jesus» death and resurrection (12:14–16), 7823 obvious as it may seem in retrospect. 7824 If extant later sources may reflect ideas circulating in the late first century, they suggest that this verse was understood messianically in early Judaism. 7825 Most ancient Mediterranean hearers would honor the image of a ruler who was merciful and kind to his enemies. 7826 John " s special touch is evident even in the details. It was not an unusual practice to abbreviate a narrative by omitting intermediaries, 7827 as Matthew seems to do on some occasions (Matt 8/Luke 7:3–4; Matt 9/ Mark 5:35 ); thus no one will be alarmed that Jesus himself «finds» the donkey (12:14), in contrast to the fuller version in the probably more widely circulated version of the passion week ( Mark 11:1–6 ). 7828 After all, even in that version, Jesus was ultimately responsible for locating the donkey ( Mark 11:2 ). But what is most theologically significant is that in John " s language Jesus finds the donkey–just as he gives the sop (13:26) and in other ways shows himself sovereign over the details of the Passion Narrative. That the disciples did not understand at first fits John " s version of the Messianic Secret. After Jesus» glorification, the Spirit would come (7:39) and cause the disciples to remember Jesus» message (14:26); his glorification thus allowed the disciples to recall Jesus» action and understand it in light of Scripture here (12:16). John had earlier offered a similar comment about the disciples after the resurrection remembering Jesus» costly zeal for the temple (2:22). The repetition suggests a key hermeneutical point for John: the biblical record and Jesus» ministry and glorification should be read in light of one another, led by the Spirit who continues his presence. 4. Immediate Responses to Jesus» Entry (12:17–19) |
| John 14:1–17 John 14:18–26 John 14:27–31 1 Be not troubled 18 Not as orphans 27b Be not troubled 3 I will come 181 will come 28 I will come 10 I am in the Father 20 I am in the Father 28 The Father is greater 12 Go to the Father 28 I go to the Father Believes in me 21 Keeps my commands 15 If you love me, keep commands 21 One who loves me keeps commands 31 I love the Father, let us so 16 The Paraclete 26 The Paraclete 30 Prince of the world Although he must omit material to make the pattern fit (and some items do not fit), he at least demonstrates the repetition of ideas, some following clear patterns. It is also possible that most of the unified Farewell Discourse as a whole yields a chiastic structure as follows: A Jesus» departure, glory, love in community (13:31–38 or-14:1) Β Jesus» coming and abiding presence (14or 14:2–15:17) C The World (15:18–16:12) a The world " s hatred (15:18–25) b The Spirit " s testimony to the world (15:26–27) á The world " s hatred (16:1–4) b» The Spirit " s testimony to the world (16:5–12) B» Jesus» Coming and Abiding Presence (16:13–33) Á Jesus» departure, glory, and unity of community (17:1–26) If this basic structure is correct, unity (17:21–23) and love (13:34–35) are essentially synonymous images; secession from the community, as in 1 John, would thus prove equivalent to hatred and death. The discourse provides an interpretive crux, corresponding to the narrator " s perspective, though the narrator has often remained silent in this Gospe1. 8020 Even before current literary-critical emphases, however, commentators could recognize that the discourse in John 13–17 clarifies the significance of the passion events of John 18–20 . 8021 A Testament of Jesus? Scholars have offered various proposals concerning the specific genre or generic associations of this discourse. Given the pervasiveness of the Last Supper tradition in early Christianity ( 1Cor 11:23 ), a meal setting for the discourse (mentioned in passing in John 13:2,4 ) may be presupposed even if John is conspicuous by his lack of emphasis on it; 8022 in this case, ancient Mediterranean readers might view the discourse as taking place in a symposium setting. 8023 This was in fact a common literary setting for important discourses and dialogues. 8024 Most traditional Jews would have continued to discuss Passover among themselves for a few hours after the meal, 8025 providing an opportunity for a discourse such as this one after the Last Supper. Some even understand the passage as Jesus» commentary on his Passover meal with his disciples–albeit before John redacted the Passover to the cross (19:36). 8026 Because little dialogue occurs, however, the observation of a general symposium setting exercises little influence on interpretation. |
| Jesus withdraws from the intense conflict in Jerusalem (ch. 5) and encounters a different sort of response in Galilee (ch. 6). The «other side» of the lake (6:1) contrasts with Jesus» usual Galilean location on the west side of the lake (e.g., 2:1, 12; 4:45–46), though the exact location is uncertain. 5972 That crowds would flock to Jesus (6:2) fits the rest of the gospel tradition (e.g., Mark 9:15 ; Matt 4:24) and what we know about the response of crowds to popular teachers. 5973 Johns mention of the «mountain» in v. 3 could reflect a minor allusion to the Moses tradition that will dominate the following discourse, especially given the repetition of the mountain in 6:15; probably Matthew had already employed the mountain image to this end (Matt 5:l). 5974 Its primary literary function here, however, appears to be an inclusio with 6:15, 5975 suggesting either that Jesus withdrew on both occasions from overzealous multitudes (6:2) or that Jesus withdrew from militant but uncomprehending followers (cf. 2:23–25) the way he had from active opponents (5:45–6:1). The nearness of the Passover (6:4) explains the flourishing of grass (6:10), which was not always available in much of the «wilderness» (e.g., 1 En. 89:28). The grass already present in the gospel tradition (Matt 14:19)–especially the «green» grass ( Mark 6:39 )–suggests that the nearness of the Passover is a genuine historical reminiscence. 5976 Grass could recall biblical images of abundant provision for livestock sometimes linked with God " s provision for his people ( Deut 11:15 ), but John " s audience would probably not seek biblical allusions in this aspect of the setting. 5977 The primary function of the grass in 6is probably simply to indicate that the ground was easier to sit on (e.g., Virgil Ed. 3.55). The mention of Passover and spring further suggests that at least a year has passed since 2in the story world, developing John " s plot. The language of this verse probably alludes to the language of 2(especially εγγς and «feast of the Jews»; cf. also 11:55; Tabernacles in 7:2), suggesting that one read both passages in light of the impending Passover; Jesus encounters rejection in both passages because he defies traditional expectations of his messianic role. 5978 The most important function of John s mention of Passover is thus that it sets the rest of the chapter in the context of the paschal lamb, and perhaps in the context of the earlier gospel tradition " s passion narrative. Just as Jesus» entire ministry becomes a transfiguration (1:14) and John places the temple cleansing before the public ministry (2:14–22) to bracket the whole, John again invites us to understand Jesus» whole ministry in terms of the passion leading to the cross. (See comments on eucharistic interpretations of the discourse, below.) |
| That Jesus had many brothers is not surprising; families often had many children with a wide range of ages. 6319 Honoring kinship ties was very important, 6320 and brothers were normally the closest and most trustworthy of allies, 6321 which makes the unbelief of Jesus» brothers (7:5) all the more disconcerting. (Intrafamily strife was considered particularly tragic.) 6322 Although Jesus» younger siblings seem to have achieved prominence in the later church (Acts 12:17; 15:13; 21:18; 1Cor 15:7 ; Gal 1:19; 2:9,12 ; Jas 1:1; Jude 1), it is not clear that John is polemicizing against them in that later role here (any more than he polemicizes against Peter, a prototypical disciple). They serve a literary function in the narrative, challenging disciples to have deeper faith and to endure rejection by their families, 6323 a common early Christian situation ( 1Cor 7:15–16 ; 1Pet 3:1 ; Matt 10:21). 6324 The statement that «not even his brothers were believing in him» (7:5) follows immediately after the apostasy of many of his disciples (6:66); likewise, believers experienced both tragic defection from their ranks (1 John 2:19) and familial opposition (cf. Matt 10:21, 35–37). If Jesus» brothers serve any function related to their genetic kinship with Jesus, it might be an apologetic purpose, to counter or guard against the charge of nepotism that would allow Jesus» relatives to assume so much rank in the early church. Josephus defends Moses against such a charge regarding Aaron (Josephus Ant. 4.26–28, 34, 58), and John may wish to show that the charge cannot be laid against Jesus. 6325 Or, if John does qualify popular allegiance to Jesus» physical family, it may be in a manner similar to that in which he challenges thoughtless devotion to Peter, ever reminding believers that Jesus alone is the chief shepherd and lord (cf. 13:24, 38; 21:15–22). (That this Gospel would be sensitive to such questions is not surprising. Early eyewitness tradition indicates that John son of Zebedee, with whose tradition, at least, most scholars associate this Gospel, once shared leadership in the conservative Jerusalem church with both Peter and James; Gal 2:9 .) |
| Specific connections with the festival are fewer than for the tabernacles narrative (esp. 7:37–39), though in few cases are John " s dialogues related solely to the festival contexts in which they occur. But some connections with that festival may appear here, such as the consecration of Jesus (10:36) rather than the temple altar as in Hanukkah tradition. 7454 That the term used in 10is different is not surprising and does not nullify the connection; in the LXX, the term for «consecration» used in 10was applied to things, whereas the term used in 10applies to persons. 7455 Although cognate terms in the LXX apply to the dedications of the first altar ( Num 7:10–11, 84 ) as well as the altar in the Maccabean purification (1Macc 4:56,59; 2Macc 2:19), they also apply to the dedication of the temple (1 Kgs 8:63; 2 Chr 7:5; 2Macc 2:9), 7456 and the exact term appears for the consecration of the temple in Ezra 6:16–17, 7457 fitting the picture of the Johannine Jesus ( John 2:19 ). If Jesus replaces the altar as «the consecrated one,» this passage may imply John " s new-temple motif (e.g., 1:14; 2:19–21; 4:20–24), explaining the connection with the Father " s and Son " s mutual indwelling (10:38). 7458 Most possible associations with Hanukkah are less clear than the clearest associations John provides with Sukkoth and Passover elsewhere; many of these potential associations with Hanukkah appear outside as well as inside this passage. Nevertheless, John " s Jewish audience might well contemplate the narrative in the light of their own celebrations of Hanukkah. When Jesus» interlocutors demand to know whether he is the Messiah (10:24), the calendrical context is political, a celebration of national deliverance; Jesus instead defines his messianic identity in terms of oneness with the Father (10:30). The Hanukkah context also may highlight the hypocrisy of Jesus» enemies. The feast honored the Maccabean heroes for their good works on behalf of Israel, whereas Jesus» opponents seek to stone him despite his good works (10:32). During this season those gathered in Jerusalem also would have recalled with disdain the Hellenist Jewish apostates who sided with Antiochus Epiphanes» claim to be deity; Jesus» opponents might well have in mind this history when they charge Jesus with making himself God (10:33). Jesus argues the opposite; they reject him though he is God " s agent, «sent» by God; he is «sanctified» just as the new altar was (10:36). Because they reject him as God " s agent, he would imply that they are the true apostates, no more from his sheep (10:26) than the Hellenists who preferred Antiochus to the Maccabees. In such a context, it is not difficult to see that the charges and countercharges represent loaded language that invited an acceleration of conflict (10:39). |
| Yet this does not mean that the prologue was the first passage of the Gospel written. More likely, John added it only after completing his first draft of the Gospel, making it the «fruit of meditation» on the Gospe1. 2852 A Redacted Hymn? Even if, as we believe, the prologue circulated as part of the earliest published form of the Gospel, many scholars also believe that this prologue may incorporate and redact an earlier hymn familiar to the Johannine communities. 2853 Ancient writers were not shy about incorporating poetry, familiar to their audience, that could make a useful point (e.g., Menander Rhetor 2.4, 393.9–12). Thus many scholars note that most of the prologue is rhythmic. 2854 Given the purported frequency of other christological hymns in the earliest Christian literature, 2855 it is more reasonable to attribute this proposed hymn to Christian 2856 rather than non-Christian sources. 2857 (The early analysis of J. Rendel Harris rightly points to abundant connections between John s Logos and Jewish Wisdom texts, but Harris " s reconstruction of a pre-Christian hymn to Sophia 2858 is a purely speculative interpretation of those correspondences and exceeds the evidence.) 2859 Given the variety of hymns that must have circulated in early Christianity, it should not surprise us if allusions to this hymn were limited (they might appear in 1 John 1 and Rev 19). If John uses an earlier hymn, he adapts it to fit the rest of his Gospel better, especially adding the lines about John the Baptist. 2860 Proposals to reconstruct the hymn are as varied as the proponents, and our list of proposals is not intended as complete. 2861 Among earlier scholars, Cecil Cryer reasonably suspected a hymn with a symmetry of tristiches and distiches, though he had to omit material to make his pattern work (besides the standard omission of 1:6–8,15, he regarded 1as a marginal gloss). 2862 Burrows suggests an Aramaic source, retaining all the lines, although he is sensitive to variations in the metrical pattern. 2863 |
| Nicodemus, by contrast, had to be named because he recurs in 7and 19:39.) The contrast between Nicodemus and the Samaritan woman (as well as some other characters) would frustrate a normal ancient Jewish reader " s expectations (although John s own original audience already may be predisposed to suspect that the Judean elite is more hostile); in matters of ministry as well as Christology, one dare not judge by outward appearance (7:24). Because Nicodemus eventually believes (19:39), this text illustrates the wide spectrum of believers in Jesus. 5210 Other, more subtle narrative connections are also possible, like the comparison with Jesus» crucifixion scene, the epitome of his rejection by his own people in contrast to the positive Samaritan reception. 5211 1. Theological Themes in the Narrative Jesus crosses at least three significant barriers in the story: the socioethnic barrier of centuries of Jewish-Samaritan prejudice; the gender barrier; and a moral barrier imposed by this woman " s assumed behavior. The heart of the story appears in 4:23–24: the Father has been seeking true worshipers who will worship him in Spirit and truth, and that was why the Father sent Jesus (4:4) to this particular woman. Outward markers, which John " s religious contemporaries would contemplate, such as her gender, religious tradition and ethnicity, and past moral activity, prove irrelevant in revealing the sort of person God seeks to worship him. Indeed, whereas Jesus sought Philip (1:43), he did not seek out members of the religious elite; even open-minded Nicodemus had to come to Jesus (3:2); but Jesus went to great lengths and took serious risks to reach the Samaritan woman. 5212 All of these barriers appear individually in other Gospel traditions. Thus Jesus ministers to Samaritans in Luke (10:33; 17:16–19), 5213 and Gentiles appear at notorious points in Mark (7:26–29) and Q (Matt 8:5–13; Luke 7:1–10); the later church found these few traditions particularly usefu1. Still more clearly, women appear in prominent roles in the gospel tradition, 5214 with an undoubtedly historical core. 5215 Although later Christians like Paul seem to have moderated this emphasis for apologetic reasons, many of these traditions, distinctly progressive by ancient Mediterranean standards, remained. 5216 Jesus» banquets with sinners, as well as complaints of the pious against this practice, are also significant in the tradition and undoubtedly reflect a historical nucleus. 5217 Mark " s account of the Syro-Phoenician woman combines two of these issues, 5218 but John " s account of the sinful Samaritan woman underlines three of these issues latent in the Jesus tradition. |
| The blind man himself becomes a paradigm of growing discipleship; when he confesses Jesus openly, he moves from recognizing him as a «man» (9:11) to a «prophet» (9:17) and a man from God (9:33), and with Jesus» revelation recognizes him as «Son of Man» and «Lord» (9:35–37). 7011 The end of this account contrasts starkly with the man healed in ch. 5 who did not proceed to become a disciple (5:1–16); for point-by-point contrasts with that account, see comments there. This man, like others who did the truth, would come to the light (3:19–21; cf. 9:3; 5:14). 1. Jesus Heals One Blind from Birth (9:1–7) Blindness «from birth» was considered especially difficult, 7012 though John mentions the duration of the malady (9:1; cf. 5:5) at least partly to lead into the disciples» question of who merited his birth in this state (9:2). Ancients generally believed that, under extraordinary circumstances, blind persons could be healed; 7013 thus some contended that Isis both cured eye diseases and made blind, 7014 and in a list of healings at Epidauros, the lame and blind appear in a summary (perhaps as the most dramatic cures). 7015 The Jesus tradition multiply attests that Jesus healed some blind people; 7016 there the opening of blind eyes, like the healing of the lame (5:9), reflects signs of the messianic era (Isa 35:5–6). Redaction critics often argue that, given Jesus» reputation for healing blindness and the pre-70 character of traditions like the pool of Siloam, the core account (9:1, 6–7) is authentic, the rest being Johannine theologizing on that story. 7017 Most regard 9:22, along with 12and 16:2, as a reflection of the situation with which the Johannine community was struggling. 7018 Whatever John " s degree of adaptation here, he certainly seeks to be relevant to his audience. In contrast to the staging of the rest of the Gospel, Jesus is missing from twenty-seven of forty-seven verses; to merit such extended discussion without Jesus» presence, the circumstances of the story must be particularly relevant to the experience of John " s audience. 7019 1A. The Timing (9:1) |
| The chapter also reflects standard Jewish motifs, such as the unity of God " s people, their love for God, God " s glory, obedience to God " s message, the election and setting apart of God " s people, and the importance of obeying God " s agent (Moses in Jewish tradition). One writer links such motifs specifically to the Cairo Geniza manuscript of the Palestinian Targum to Exod 19–20, 9387 another points to parallels with a hymn from Qumran; 9388 in short, most of the motifs reflect common Judaism, yet reinterpreted in a christocentric manner and reapplied to the christologically defined community. Further, to whatever degree John has adapted the discourse and prayer to encourage his audience in their particular situation, 9389 it is clear that a prayer of Jesus before his passion already stands in the passion tradition ( Mark 14:36 ). 9390 But whereas, in Mark, Jesus prays for the Father to spare him from the passion if possible ( Mark 14:36 ), here he recognizes and accedes to the Father " s purpose, requesting the hour of glorification (17:1). 9391 John does not deny Jesus» reluctance to face the cross (12:27) but places heavier emphasis on Jesus» obedience. 9392 Traditionally some have viewed Jesus» intercession in this passage in terms of the OT role of high priest 9393 (Jesus» role in some early Christian traditions; Heb 2:17; 3:1; 4:14–15; 5:10; 6:20; 7:26; 8:1; 9:11); the chapter title «Jesus» High-Priestly Prayer» has circulated since the theologian David Chyträus (1531–1600). 9394 But Jewish tradition also emphasized the intercessory role of prophets; 9395 more significantly, the probably testamentary character of the final discourse might point to patriarchal blessings, 9396 particularly the prayer and blessing of Moses ( Deut 32–33 ), 9397 as background. But because the content of these blessings does not parallel John 17 very closely, 9398 » one may need to look to the experience of John " s audience for more of the content. A variety of backgrounds are possible, but most important within the context of the Fourth Gospel is that Jesus becomes, before his exaltation, the first Paraclete, or intercessor ( Rom 8:26; 1 John 2:1 ; see extended comment on 14:16). 9399 This suggests that John 17 models part of the ministry of the Paraclete who would come after Jesus» departure (14:16) and of those who share his ministry (15:26–27). 9400 The Fourth Gospel presents the Paraclete especially as an advocate or prosecutor in the disciples» conflict with the world, but Jesus has also been promising them more direct access to the Father in prayer once he goes to the Father (14:13–14; 15:7, 16; 16:26–27). |
| That Jesus «manifested himself» to the disciples (21:1; this provides an inciusio with 21:14) is also Johannine language (1:31; 2:11; 3:21; 7:4; 9:3; 17:6) and, on a theological level, reflects the expectation in 14:21–23 of postresurrection encounters with Christ (albeit normally in the Spirit after the first encounter of 20:19–23). Jesus was, literally, «on the sea» (21:1); this is acceptable language for «beside the sea» ( Mark 4:1; 5:21 ; cf. John 21:4,9–10 ). It might recall Jesus» theophany on the sea (6:19; cf. Mark 6:47–49 ); but this is probably overexegesis (see 6:16). When John concludes the narrative by reminding the reader that this is the «third» time Jesus was revealed to the disciples (21:14), he includes in this count only the two appearances in the upper room (20:19–23,24–29). Like John " s other counts (2:1,11; 4:46, despite the plural «signs» in 3:2), however, his language may indicate only the third time in the narrative, not the third appearance altogether. 10857 That John 21 does not enumerate all the gospels» resurrection appearances but counts only those in this Gospel seems to me a further piece of evidence favoring Johannine authorship of this chapter. 10858 This passage reflects knowledge of the tradition that Peter and at least some of his colleagues (21:3)–here presumably the sons of Zebedee (21:2)–were fishermen, a tradition undoubtedly widely known in the early church (cf. Mark 1:16–20 ). 10859 It has often been argued as well that the passage reflects knowledge of the same tradition as appears in Luke 5:1–10; although the argument depends, to some degree, on the relative paucity of extant traditions available for our modern perusal, it is probably correct. Peter acts in character, taking the lead in 21(13:24; 18:10,15; cf. Mark 14:31, 37 ), as some students in ancient schools were known to do. 10860 He also displays for Jesus his physical prowess in 21and 21:11; this might appeal to heroic or masculine ideals in the ancient Mediterranean world–perhaps acceptable provided it was used to demonstrate loyalty to his Lord (as it was in 21:7, ll). 10861 This might also be in character; at least some ancient people viewed fishermen as «tough,» inured to the labors of their trade. 10862 |
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