| Имя Дивны Любоевич хорошо известно в ее родной стране — Сербии и за рубежом. В материале журнала «Вода живая» — рассказ Дивны о себе, о вере и о музыке. Материал из номера журнала «Вода живая» — ИЮНЬ, 2012 год Имя Дивны Любоевич хорошо известно в ее родной стране — Сербии и за рубежом. В России у нее тоже много поклонников: почти на всех православных музыкальных сайтах можно послушать записи певицы. В отличие от наших музыкантов, которые ориентируется в основном на пение старообрядцев и исполняют средневековые песнопения в несколько жесткой народной манере, Дивна поет очень красиво. У нее мягкий голос с необычным терпким тембром; его хочется слушать без конца, не прерываясь ни на минуту. Но красота в ее пении не является самоцелью — оно очень искреннее, и самые сложные фиоритуры звучат естественно, как простая человеческая речь. (Кстати, это является признаком «высшего пилотажа» для любого певца, и достичь такого мастерства очень трудно). Другая эстетика чувствуется и во внешнем облике певицы. Дивна — красивая, харизматичная женщина с серьезным и волевым выражением лица. Однако густая копна черных кудрявых волос, на которой любят делать акцент фотографы на рекламных снимках певицы, выдает бесконечную женственность, а искренняя улыбка — обаяние, которому просто невозможно противиться. Дивна Любоевич На своих концертах Дивна исполняет не только сербские и греческие , но и древнерусские песнопения. Певица очень любит Россию и русскую культуру. Когда ей было 10 лет, она была очень впечатлена красотой русского церковного пения, которое услышала в монастыре Введения во храм Пресвятой Богородицы в Белграде. В этом монастыре пели русские монахини, эмигрировавшие из царской России после революции. Под их руководством Дивна и начала обучаться церковному пению. С тех пор она немного знает русский язык. Дивна Любоевич родилась в Белграде 7 апреля 1970 года, в праздник Благовещения Пресвятой Богородицы. С десяти лет изучала церковное пение в белградском монастыре Введения во Храм Пресвятой Богородицы. Затем окончила музыкальную школу «Мокраньяц» в Белграде и Музыкальную академию в городе Нови-Сад. В 1991 году Дивна Любоевич создала церковный хор «Мелоди», названный так по предложению известного певца и филолога Ненада Ристовича в честь святого Романа Сладкопевца (по-сербски Roman Melod). Репертуар хора «Мелоди» составляют православные песнопения: от ранних образцов византийского, сербского, болгарского и русского распевов до произведений современных авторов. Помимо участия в богослужениях, за 17 лет своего существования хор дал более 400 концертов, участвовал во многих международных фестивалях. |
| 638 There was, however, a small number of Roman military colonies founded mostly by Julius Caesar and Augustus, at a time when they had to provide land for an unusually large number of veterans and civilian settlers in a period of crisis. There was also a group of three or four military colonies in southern Asia Minor around the highlands occupied by the turbulent Pisidian mountaineers; these had been established by the generals of Augustus. It happens that the direction of Paul’s travels took him remarkably often through these Roman settlements. He visits Antioch and Lystra in Asia Minor, though Acts does not mention their status, and also two Roman colonies in Macedonia and Achaea, Corinth, and Philippi – where they were more frequent than in Asia Minor – and one of the three colonies on the long coasts of the province of Asia, Alexandria Troas. 639 This recurrence of the colonies in Acts, largely due to the Roman habit of placing their colonies at centres of communication, gives a misleading impression of the part played by colonies in the East. It is precisely because the Roman colony was exceptional that Acts notes the colonial status of Philippi, which was relevant to the story because the disturbances at Philippi involved a point of Roman custom. 640 The population of Roman settlers maintained themselves with some vigour in the eastern colonies, but they formed only a small proportion of the total local population, sometimes constituting a city within a city. The Roman class formed an enclave of which a passing stranger might not be aware in the smaller settlements, though the government was in its hands. In Acts, Antioch, Lystra, and Corinth have as many Hellenes and Jews in their streets as Romans. 641 Elsewhere in the hundreds of Greek and half-Greek cities, large and small, the Roman citizen was a somewhat rare bird. Tribal lists of inhabitants and even lists of annual magistrates from the Greek cities in the Julio-Claudian period frequently contain the names of no recognizable Roman citizens. |
| He introduces ‘the Romans visiting Jerusalem’, o πιδημοντες ωμαοι, and contrasts them with the inhabitants of the various provinces, Judaea, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, &c. 654 This is a nice contemporary touch from the Julio-Claudian age. There is a preliminary question about the Roman citizenship that has attracted a good deal of attention in recent years. In the Republican period the Roman citizenship was incompatible with that of any other State. The provincial who became a Roman ceased to be a member of his native community, and to exercise any rights or to be required to perform any duties there. This was certainly the standard rule or custom in the time of Cicero – though as with all customs there were differing interpretations of its effects. 655 It is an important consideration in dealing with the eastern provinces, where the cities continued to rate as civitates iuris peregrini and were not incorporated as communities into the Roman State, as in the western provinces, where the communes tended to become Roman municipalities. The incompatibility of two citizenships would be a serious limitation on the local political life of enfranchised persons in the eastern provinces. It can be seen from the speech of Dio at Apamea that this incompatibility had certainly ceased to exist by the end of the first century A.D., so much so that the former position had almost been reversed. The Roman status had become a titular dignity, except for the small number of persons who entered the Roman public service. The characteristic oriental Roman citizen lives out his life with his local community as its focus. Just such a one is that magnate of Ephesus, Claudius Aristion, a local magistrate and an Asiarch too, who was involved in a political charge in A.D. 106, and like Paul exercised his right of appeal to the emperor Trajan. His trial and acquittal are described briefly in a letter of Pliny. 656 Roman historians have been much exercised as to the stages and dates by which the change in the rule of incompatibility was accomplished. |
| The Photian Council and its authority were not questioned in Rome for the next nearly 200 years. Strong evidence of this is given by the Roman Catholic writer Daniel J. Casellano when he states, “In the West, early canonists, most notably St. Ivo of Chartres (late eleventh cent.) and Gratian (twelfth cent.), considered the Photian synod of 879-880 to have been duly approved by Pope John VIII.” But during the time of Pope Gregory VII (r. 1073-1085), in the period known as the Gregorian Reform, as I mentioned at the beginning of this paper, Papal canon lawyers went back to the stormy decades of the 860s and 870s, and replaced the Photian Council with the Ignatian Council of ten years earlier. In the words of the Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium , the Photian Council had been “recognized as ecumenical by Rome until the Gregorian Reform, when the official Roman tradition was abandoned in favor of the Council of 869” (p. 513). Orthodox scholar Fr. George Dragas asks, How did it happen that Roman Catholics came to ignore this conciliar fact? Following Papadopoulos Kerameus, Johan Meijer—author of a most thorough study of the Constantinopolitan Council of 879/880—has pointed out that Roman Catholic canonists first referred to their Eighth Ecumenical Council (the Ignatian one) in the beginning of the twelfth century. In line with Dvornik and others, Meijer also explained that this was done deliberately because these canonists needed at that time canon 22 of that Council. In point of fact, however, they overlooked the fact that this Council had been cancelled by another, the Photian Synod of 879-880—the acts of which were also kept in the pontifical archives . Repercussions for Orthodox-Roman Catholic relations How different relations would have been in succeeding centuries, and all the way to the present, between Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism if the Roman Church had continued to accept the Photian Council as legitimate, and if she had fully abided by its decrees! For if the Roman Church ever did reaffirm the legitimacy of the Photian Council, thus rejecting the Ignatian Council, the two biggest obstacles to the reconciliation of the Roman Church with Orthodoxy would be instantly removed: the Filioque, and the claims of the Roman Church to have jurisdictional authority over the Eastern Churches. |
| RU " > Общецерковная аспирантура и докторантура имени святых равноапостольных Кирилла и Мефодия " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language:RU " > (Ректор) mso-fareast-font-family: " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language: RU " > Место работы: mso-fareast-font-family: " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language: RU " > Храм иконы Божией Матери «Всех скорбящих Радость» (Спаса Преображения) на Большой Ордынке (Москва) " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language:RU " > (Настоятель) mso-fareast-font-family: " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language: RU " > Место работы: mso-fareast-font-family: " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language: RU " > «Журнал Московской Патриархии» " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language:RU " > (Председатель редакционного совета) mso-fareast-font-family: " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language: RU " > Место работы: mso-fareast-font-family: " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language: RU " > Межрелигиозный совет России " Times New Roman " ;color:black;mso-fareast-language:RU " > (Представитель Русской Православной Церкви) Научные труды, публикации: Публикации: Автор более 700 публикаций, в том числе монографий по патристике, догматическому богословию и церковной истории, а также переводов творений Отцов Церкви с греческого и сирийского языков. Среди книг митрополита Илариона: «Таинство веры. Введение в догматическое богословие» (1996), «Жизнь и учение св. Григория Богослова» (1998), «Духовный мир преподобного Исаака Сирина» (1998), «Преподобный Симеон Новый Богослов и православное Предание» (1998), «Православное богословие на рубеже эпох» (1999), «Священная тайна Церкви. Введение в историю и проблематику имяславских споров»» (в 2-х томах, 2002), «Во что верят православные христиане. Катехизические беседы» (2004), «Православие» (в 2-х томах, 2008-2009), «Патриарх Кирилл. Жизнь и миросозерцание» (2009). Библиография Музыкальные произведения Автор ряда музыкальных произведений, в том числе «Божественной литургии» и «Всенощного бдения» для хора без сопровождения, симфонии «Песнь восхождения» для хора и оркестра, оратории «Страсти по Матфею» для солистов, хора и оркестра, «Рождественской оратории» для солистов, хора мальчиков, смешанного хора и симфонического оркестра. |
| Part of the funding will also be used to restore further the Montanesium Fortress, including by installing special lighting. “This will contribute to the wholesomeness of this historical ensemble as a cultural tourism site, " Kabakchieva says. Montana is technically the only major city in Bulgaria which still has its Roman name (even though that has changed throughout the ages – learn more in the Background Infonotes below). It has been estimated that during the Roman period, ancient Montanesium had a population of about 30,000. The partly restored ruins of the Ancient Roman city and fortress of Montanesium, today’s Montana in Northwest Bulgaria. Photo: Montana Regional Museum of History Ancient Roman artifacts exhibited in the open in the yard of the Montana Regional Museum of History. Photo: Montana Regional Museum of History Background Infonotes: The early history of today’s northwestern Bulgarian city of Montana is primarily associated with the Ancient Roman military camp and later city and fortress of Montanesium, initially known as Castra ad Montanesium (“castra " meaning “camp " in Latin) from the Roman Antiquity period (1 st -4 th century AD). However, the earliest traces of civilized life on the territory of Bulgaria’s Montana date to the Chalcolithic Age (Aeneolithic, Copper Age), from the 5 th -4 th millennium BC, and have been discovered in the lower archaeological layers on the site of the Montanesium Fortress. During the 1st millennium BC the place was inhabited by the independent Ancient Thracian tribe Triballi, which was allied with the Odrysian Kingdom, the most powerful Ancient Thracian state. From this period, the Montanesium Fortress features preserved sections of the pre-Roman, Ancient Thracian fortress wall, over 1 meter thick, which is located under the Roman fortress’s large fortress tower. The Roman Empire conquered the region of Montana in today’s Northwest Bulgaria around 29 BC (all of Ancient Thrace south of the Danube was conquered by Ancient Rome in 46 AD) setting up a military camp, Castra ad Montanesium, on top of the existing Ancient Thracian settlement. |
| In Acts a man is either a Roman or a provincial. There is no privileged and recognized Third Estate, though naturally the municipal upper classes, the men of substance and authority, who later became the honestiores and curiales, appear in the appropriate situation. These may be the First Men of the City, and the ‘ladies of good estate’, α εσχμονες, as at Antioch and Beroea, or the Asiarchs as at Ephesus. The ladies of good estate, with the implication of a propertied class, reappear at Thessalonica. 634 But, as appeared from the detailed analysis of the civic situation at Philippi and Ephesus, the stress in Acts is on the actual magistrates in office, and the mass of the population plays some part in affairs: the demos is active both at Ephesus and at Thessalonica. 635 The city councils, so predominant in the later period, are conspicuously absent from the story. Even at Athens there is no word of the council which administered the city, and it is very questionable whether the meeting ‘on Areopagus’ is a meeting of the council of Areopagus. Paul addresses his assembly as ‘Men of Athens’. 636 Provincial Romans in the eastern Empire lived in a different legal and social atmosphere from their fellow citizens in the western provinces. In the latter, Roman material and cultural civilization dominated the life of the communities, and technical Roman status was being steadily granted to whole communities in increasing numbers. The Mediterranean provinces in the west were becoming an extension of Italy, and the term provincia togata was coined to indicate this massive extension of Roman rights and Roman ways. 637 Hence the individual Roman citizen circulated against a background of Romanism or Latin civilization. In the eastern provinces the predominant civilization was Hellenistic and the predominant language Greek. There were no romanized communes of provincial origin, no cities which had acquired Roman citizenship en bloc and so become what were called municipia civium Romanorum. |
| When we find that the capital power was the most jealously guarded of all the attributes of government, not even entrusted to the principal assistants of the governors, and specifically withdrawn, in the instance of Cyrene, from the competence of local courts, it becomes very questionable indeed for the Sanhedrin. 109 Significantly, in Cyrene the local courts were not municipally but provincially organized, and the rule was laid down that even in their limited jurisdiction a man should not be tried by judges from his own city. The only exceptions, in the Empire at large, to these limitations, were the highly privileged communities known as civitates liberae or ‘free states’, communes which for past services to the Roman State were made independent of the authority of Roman magistrates in local administration, and enjoyed unrestricted jurisdiction over their own citizens. 110 A contemporary example is the city of Rhodes, which was deprived of its technical freedom by the emperor Claudius for exceeding its powers in the treatment of Roman citizens. 111 Jerusalem was quite certainly not a ‘free city’, but very much the opposite. Public order was in the hands of a Roman military unit stationed in the heart of the city. The general permission given to the Jews to follow their own customs, in a series of decrees and edicts from the time of Julius Caesar onwards, and the reaffirmation of this by Augustus and Claudius for the province of Judaea, is very far from proving that the Sanhedrin was allowed capital jurisdiction after the establishment of the Roman provincial régime. This is the loosest and the most audacious of the arguments of Juster. 112 Very strong evidence is necessary to prove so remarkable an exception to the general custom of the Empire, which was largely based upon the necessity of preventing anti-Roman groups from eliminating the leaders of the pro-Roman factions in the cities by judicial action. Traditionally, municipal libertas was a reward for loyalty to Rome. |
| Attempts to distinguish other Roman citizens in Acts, in addition to Lysias, Paul, and the governors, are rather uncertain. The use of single Latin names does not prove much, particularly when they are personal in type, prenominal, or cognominal. In the procedures of epigraphical prosopography it is reckoned that there can be no certainty about the status of a person with Latin names unless he has at least two, including a recognizable gentile name, and mentions either his tribe or a post in the Roman public or municipal service. 576 The difficulty is that Acts follows the Greek usage common to all folks except the Romans, that a man is known, as was said earlier, by a single official name and a patronymic. Acts 20:4 gives the provincial style: ‘Sopater the son of Pyrrhus, from Beroea.’ The Latin names in Acts and Epistles may cover some genuine Roman citizens, but equally they may be names assumed for purposes of prestige. In many parts of the Roman empire Latin names were adopted voluntarily by provincial peregrini in a spirit of imitation. Though less frequent in areas where the Greek spirit was strong, it yet occurs even in the old Greek provinces at a surprisingly early date. 577 But there were a fair number of individual Roman families, often of humble status, scattered about Asia Minor. This is shown by the remarkable diversity of proper Roman names among soldiers enlisted in Bithynia in a legionary levy held under Trajan. 578 Of sixty persons only three had an imperial gentile name characteristic of recently enfranchised citizens. Most likely these persons were the descendants of the freedmen of Roman and Italian business men of the Republican period. Or else there may well have been an anomalous population formed by the illegitimate children of soldiers, officials, and business men, persons of uncertain status, who might adopt Latin rather than Greek names. Some of these might secure the envied status of Romans. The inevitable Pliny records just such a request in the time of Trajan, from an auxiliary centurion for the legitimization of his daughter’s status, which the emperor duly granted. 579 |
| Background Infonotes: The Ancient Thracian and Roman city of Durostorum (Dorostorum) – known as Dorostol or Drastar (Drustur) during the periods of the Bulgarian Empire in the Middle Ages – is the precursor of today’s Bulgarian city of Silistra. It was originally founded as an Ancient Thracian settlement on the Lower Danube. In 29 AD, the Romans built there a fortress keeping the settlement’sThracian name of Durostorum (or Dorostorum). After his victories wars over the Dacians north of the Danube, Roman Emperor Trajan stationed the elite Claudius’ 11th Legion – Legio XI Claudia – at Durostorum, and the fortress remained its permanent seat until the demise of the Roman Empire. In 169 AD, during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius (r. 161-180 AD), Durostorum was made a Roman city – a municipium. Between the 2nd and the 4th century AD, it was a major urban and military center of the Roman Province of Moesia Inferior (later divided into Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor), and amajor Roman stronghold against the barbarian invasions. The earliest 12 Christian saints from the territory of today’s Bulgaria are Roman soldiers executed in Durostorum during the Great Persecution of Emperor Diocletian between 303 and 313 AD, including St. Dasius and St. Julius the Veteran. In 388 AD, today’s Silistra became the seat of a Christian bishopric. Roman general Flavius Aetius (391-454 AD), who is known as “the last of the Romans” for his army’s victory over the Huns in the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains in 451 AD, was born in Durostorum. During the barbarian invasions of Sarmatians, Goths, Huns, Avars, Slavs, and Bulgars the city was ransacked several times. It was rebuilt during the reign of Byzantine Emperor Justinian I the Great (r. 527-565 AD). The Slavs settled in Durostorum around 590 AD, and named it Drastar (Drustur). The city became part of the First Bulgarian Empire (632/680 – 1018 AD) around 680 AD. Bulgarian Khan (or Kanas) Omurtag (r. 814-831 AD) is known to have built there a large imperial palace known as the Danube Palace of Bulgarian Khans where later Bulgarian Tsar Simeon I the Great (r. 893-927 AD) resided in 896-897 AD. In 895 AD (during the Bulgarian-Hungarian War of 894-896 AD), the Magyars(Hungarians), allies of Byzantium, besieged the Bulgarian army under the personal command of Tsar Simeon I the Great in the fortress of Drastar but were repulsed. The next year the Magyars were decisively defeated by the Bulgarians in the extremely fierce Battle of Southern Buh (in today’s Ukraine) which eventually led their tribes to retreat to the west and settle in the region of Pannoniaessentially founding today’s Hungary. |
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